Book 8

Martyrs of Palestine.^ [2613]


The Following also we found in a Certain Copy in the Eighth Book.

It was in the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, in the month
Xanthicus, [2615] which is called April by the Romans, about the time
of the feast of our Saviour’s passion, while Flavianus [2616] was
governor of the province of Palestine, that letters were published
everywhere, commanding that the churches be leveled to the ground and
the Scriptures be destroyed by fire, and ordering that those who held
places of honor be degraded, and that the household servants, if they
persisted in the profession of Christianity, be deprived of freedom.

Such was the force of the first edict against us. But not long after
other letters were issued, commanding that all the bishops of the
churches everywhere be first thrown into prison, and afterward, by
every artifice, be compelled to sacrifice.

[2613] On this work, see above, p. 29 sq. As remarked there, the
shorter form of the work, the translation of which follows, is found in
most, but not all, of the mss. of Eusebius’ Church History, in some of
them at the close of the tenth book, in one of them in the middle of
Bk. VIII. chap. 13, in the majority of them between Bks. VIII. and IX.
It is found neither in the Syraic version of the History, nor in
Rufinus. Musculus omits it in his Latin version, but a translation of
it is given both by Christophorsonus and Valesius. The Germans Stroth
and Closs omit it; but Stigloher gives it at the close of his
translation of the History. The English translators insert it at the
close of the eighth book. The work is undoubtedly genuine, in this, its
shorter, as well as in its longer form, but was in all probability
attached to the History, not by Eusebius himself, but by some copyist,
and therefore is not strictly entitled to a place in a translation of
the History. At the same time it has seemed best in the present case to
include it and to follow the majority of the editors in inserting it at
this point. In all the mss. except one the work begins abruptly without
a title, introduced only by the words kai tauta zn tini antigrEURpho en
to ogdo& 251; tomo heuromen: ”The following also we found in a certain
copy in the eighth book.” In the Codex Castellanus, however, according
to Reading (in his edition of Valesius, Vol. I. p. 796, col. 2), the
following title is inserted immediately after the words just quoted:
Eusebiou sungramma peri ton kat’ auton marturesEURnton en to oktaetei
Diokletianou kai ephexes Galeriou tou Maximinou diogmo. Heinichen
consequently prints the first part of this title
(Eusebiou…marturesEURnton) at the head of the work in his edition,
and is followed by Burton and Migne. This title, however, can hardly be
looked upon as original, and I have preferred to employ rather the name
by which the work is described at its close, where we read Eusebiou tou
Pamphilou peri ton en Palaistine marturesEURnton telos. This agrees
with the title of the Syriac version, and must represent very closely
the original title; and so the work is commonly known in English as the
Martyrs of Palestine, in Latin as de Martyribus Palestinae. The work is
much more systematic than the eighth book of the Church History; in
fact, it is excellently arranged, and takes up the persecution year by
year in chronological order. The ground covered, however, is very
limited, and we can consequently gather from the work little idea of
the state of the Church at large during these years. All the martyrs
mentioned in the following pages are commemorated in the various
martyrologies under particular days, but in regard to most of them we
know only what Eusebius tells us. I shall not attempt to give
references to the martyrologies. Further details gleaned from them and
from various Acts of martyrdom may be found in Ruinart, Tillemont, &c.
I shall endeavor to give full particulars in regard to the few martyrs
about whom we have any reliable information beyond that given in the
present work, but shall pass over the others without mention.

[2614] The Martyrs of Palestine, in all the mss. that contain it, is
introduced with these words. The passage which follows, down to the
beginning of Chap. 1, is a transcript, with a few slight variations, of
Bk. VIII. chap. 2, S:S:4 and 5. For notes upon it, see that chapter.

[2615] The month Xanthicus was the eighth month of the Macedonian year,
and corresponded to our April (see the table on p. 403, below). In Bk.
VIII. chap. 2, Eusebius puts the beginning of the prosecution in the
seventh month, Dystrus. But the persecution really began, or at least
the first edict was issued, and the destruction of the churches in
Nicomedia took place, in February. See Bk. VIII. chap. 2, note 3.

[2616] Flavianus is not mentioned in Bk. VIII. chap. 2. In the Syriac
version he is named as the judge by whom Procopius was condemned
(Cureton, p. 4). Nothing further is known of him, so far as I am aware.

Chapter I.

1. The first of the martyrs of Palestine was Procopius, [2617] who,
before he had received the trial of imprisonment, immediately on his
first appearance before the governor’s tribunal, having been ordered to
sacrifice to the so-called gods, declared that he knew only one to whom
it was proper to sacrifice, as he himself wills. But when he was
commanded to offer libations to the four emperors, having quoted a
sentence which displeased them, he was immediately beheaded. The
quotation was from the poet: ”The rule of many is not good; let there
be one ruler and one king.” [2618]

2. It was the seventh [2619] day of the month Desius, [2620] the
seventh before the ides of June, [2621] as the Romans reckon, and the
fourth day of the week, when this first example was given at Caesarea
in Palestine.

3. Afterwards, [2622] in the same city, many rulers of the country
churches readily endured terrible sufferings, and furnished to the
beholders an example of noble conflicts. But others, benumbed in spirit
by terror, were easily weakened at the first onset. Of the rest, each
one endured different forms of torture, as scourgings without number,
and rackings, and tearings of their sides, and insupportable fetters,
by which the hands of some were dislocated.

4. Yet they endured what came upon them, as in accordance with the
inscrutable purposes of God. For the hands of one were seized, and he
was led to the altar, while they thrust into his right hand the
polluted and abominable offering, and he was dismissed as if he had
sacrificed. Another had not even touched it, yet when others said that
he had sacrificed, he went away in silence. Another, being taken up
half dead, was cast aside as if already dead, and released from his
bonds, and counted among the sacrificers. When another cried out, and
testified that he would not obey, he was struck in the mouth, and
silenced by a large band of those who were drawn up for this purpose,
and driven away by force, even though he had not sacrificed. Of such
consequence did they consider it, to seem by any means to have
accomplished their purpose.

5. Therefore, of all this number, the only ones who were honored with
the crown of the holy martyrs were Alphaeus and Zacchaeus. [2623] After
stripes and scrapings and severe bonds and additional tortures and
various other trials, and after having their feet stretched for a night
and day over four holes in the stocks, [2624] on the seventeenth day of
the month Dius, [2625] –that is, according to the Romans, the
fifteenth before the Kalends of December,–having confessed one only
God and Christ Jesus as king, [2626] as if they had uttered some
blasphemy, they were beheaded like the former martyr.

[2617] The account of Procopius was somewhat fuller in the longer
recension of the Martyrs of Palestine, as can be seen from the Syriac
version (English translation in Cureton, p. 3 sq.). There exists also a
Latin translation of the Acts of St. Procopius, which was evidently
made from that longer recension, and which is printed by Valesius and
also by Cureton (p. 50 sq.), and in English by Cruse in loco. We are
told by the Syriac version that his family was from Baishan. According
to the Latin, he was a native of AElia (Jerusalem), but resided in
Scythopolis (the Greek name of Baishan). With the Latin agrees the
Syriac version of these Acts, which is published by Assemani in his
Acta SS. Martt. Orient. et Occident. ed. 1748, Part II. p. 169 sq. (see
Cureton, p. 52). We learn from the longer account that he was a lector,
interpreter, and exorcist in the church, and that he was exceedingly
ascetic in his manner of life. It is clear from this paragraph that
Procopius was put to death, not because he was a Christian, but because
he uttered words apparently treasonable in their import. To call him a
Christian martyr is therefore a misuse of terms. We cannot be sure
whether Procopius was arrested under the terms of the first or under
the terms of the second edict. If in consequence of the first, it may
be that he was suspected of complicity in the plot which Diocletian was
endeavoring to crush out, or that he had interfered with the imperial
officers when they undertook to execute the decree for the destruction
of the church buildings. The fact that he was commanded by the governor
to sacrifice would lead us to think of the first, rather than of the
second edict (see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 6, note 3, and chap. 2, note
8). Still, it must be admitted that very likely many irregularities
occurred in the methods by which the decrees were executed in the
province, and the command to sacrifice can, therefore, not be claimed
as proving that he was not arrested under the terms of the second
edict; and in fact, the mention of imprisonment as the punishment which
he had to expect would lead us to think of the second edict as at least
the immediate occasion of his arrest. In any case, there is no reason
to suppose that his arrest would have resulted in his death had he not
been rash in his speech.

[2618] ouk agathon polukoiranie heis koiranos zsto, heis basileus. The
sentence is from Homer’s Iliad, Bk. II. vers. 204 and 205. It was a
sort of proverb, like many of Homer’s sayings, and was frequently
quoted. As a consequence the use of it by Procopius does not prove at
all his acquaintance with Homer or Greek literature in general.

[2619] The majority of the mss. read ”eighth,” which according to
Eusebius’ customary mode of reckoning the Macedonian months is
incorrect. For, as Valesius remarks, he always synchronizes the
Macedonian with the Roman months, as was commonly done in his time. But
the seventh before the Ides of June is not the eighth, but the seventh
of June (or Desius). In fact, a few good mss. read ”seventh” instead of
”eighth,” and I have followed Burton, Schwegler, and Heinichen in
adopting that reading.

[2620] Desius was the tenth month of the Macedonian year, and
corresponded to our June (see the table on p. 403, below).

[2621] On the Roman method of reckoning the days of the month, see
below, p. 402.

[2622] We may gather from S:5, below, that the sufferings to which
Eusebius refers in such general terms in this and the following
paragraphs took place late in the year 303. In fact, from the Syriac
version of the longer recension (Cureton, p. 4) we learn that the
tortures inflicted upon Alphaeus and Zacchaeus were, in consequence of
the third edict, issued at the approach of the emperor’s vicennalia,
and intended rather as a step toward amnesty than as a sharpening of
the persecution (see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 5, note 8). This leads us
to conclude that all the tortures mentioned in these paragraphs had the
same occasion, and this explains the eagerness of the judges to set the
prisoners free, even if they had not sacrificed, so long as they might
be made to appear to have done so, and thus the law not be openly
violated. Alphaeus and Zacchaeus alone suffered death, as we are told
in S:5, and they evidently on purely political grounds (see note 10).

[2623] We learn from the Syriac version that Zacchaeus was a deacon of
the church of Gadara, and that Alphaeus belonged to a noble family of
the city of Eleutheropolis, and was a reader and exorcist in the church
of Caesarea.

[2624] See above, Bk. IV. chap. 16, note 9.

[2625] The month Dius was the third month of the Macedonian year, and
corresponded with our November (see below, p. 403).

[2626] monon hena Theon kai christon basilea ‘Iesoun homologesEURntes
Basileus was the technical term for emperor, and it is plain enough
from this passage that these two men, like Procopius, were beheaded
because they were regarded as guilty of treason, not because of their
religious faith. The instances given in this chapter are very
significant, for they reveal the nature of the persecution during its
earlier months, and throw a clear light back upon the motives which had
led Diocletian to take the step against the Christians which he did.

Chapter II.

1. What occurred to Romanus on the same day [2627] at Antioch, is also
worthy of record. For he was a native of Palestine, a deacon and
exorcist in the parish of Caesarea; and being present at the
destruction of the churches, he beheld many men, with women and
children, going up in crowds to the idols and sacrificing. [2628] But,
through his great zeal for religion, he could not endure the sight, and
rebuked them with a loud voice.

2. Being arrested for his boldness, he proved a most noble witness of
the truth, if there ever was one. For when the judge informed him that
he was to die by fire, [2629] he received the sentence with cheerful
countenance and most ready mind, and was led away. When he was bound to
the stake, and the wood piled up around him, as they were awaiting the
arrival of the emperor before lighting the fire, he cried, ”Where is
the fire for me?”

3. Having said this, he was summoned again before the emperor, [2630]
and subjected to the unusual torture of having his tongue cut out. But
he endured this with fortitude and showed to all by his deeds that the
Divine Power is present with those who endure any hardship whatever for
the sake of religion, lightening their sufferings and strengthening
their zeal. When he learned of this strange mode of punishment, the
noble man was not terrified, but put out his tongue readily, and
offered it with the greatest alacrity to those who cut it off.

4. After this punishment he was thrown into prison, and suffered there
for a very long time. At last the twentieth anniversary of the emperor
being near, [2631] when, according to an established gracious custom,
liberty was proclaimed everywhere to all who were in bonds, he alone
had both his feet stretched over five holes in the stocks, [2632] and
while he lay there was strangled, and was thus honored with martyrdom,
as he desired.

5. Although he was outside of his country, yet, as he was a native of
Palestine, it is proper to count him among the Palestinian martyrs.
These things occurred in this manner during the first year, when the
persecution was directed only against the rulers of the Church.

[2627] We learn from the Syriac version that the death of Romanus
occurred on the same day as that of Alphaeus and Zacchaeus. His arrest,
therefore, must have taken place some time before, according to S:4,
below. In fact, we see from the present paragraph that his arrest took
place in connection with the destruction of the churches; that is, at
the time of the execution of the first edict in Antioch. We should
naturally think that the edict would be speedily published in so
important a city, and hence can hardly suppose the arrest of Romanus to
have occurred later than the spring of 303. He therefore lay in prison
a number of months (according to S:4, below, a ”very long time,”
pleiston chronon). Mason is clearly in error in putting his arrest in
November, and his death at the time of the vicennalia, in December. It
is evident from the Syriac version that the order for the release of
prisoners, to which the so-called third edict was appended, preceded
the vicennalia by some weeks, although issued in view of the great
anniversary which was so near at hand. It is quite possible that the
decree was sent out some weeks beforehand, in order that time might be
given to induce the Christians to sacrifice, and thus enjoy release at
the same time with the others.

[2628] There is no implication here that these persons were commanded,
or even asked, to sacrifice. They seem, in their dread of what might
come upon them, when they saw the churches demolished, to have hastened
of their own accord to sacrifice to the idols, and thus disarm all
possible suspicion.

[2629] As Mason remarks, to punish Romanus with death for dissuading
the Christians from sacrificing was entirely illegal, as no imperial
edict requiring them to sacrifice had yet been issued, and therefore no
law was broken in exhorting them not to do so. At the same time, that
he should be arrested as a church officer was, under the terms of the
second edict, legal, and, in fact, necessary; and that the judge should
incline to be very severe in the present case, with the emperor so near
at hand, was quite natural. That death, however, was not yet made the
penalty of Christian confession is plain enough from the fact that,
when the emperor was appealed to, as we learn from the Syriac version,
he remanded Romanus to prison, thus inflicting upon him the legal
punishment, according to the terms of the second edict. Upon the case
of Romanus, see Mason, p. 188 sq.

[2630] Valesius assumes that this was Galerius, and Mason does the
same. In the Syriac version, however, he is directly called Diocletian;
but on the other hand, in the Syriac acts published by Assemani
(according to Cureton, p. 55), he is called ”Maximinus, the son-in-law
of Diocletian”; i.e. Galerius, who was known as Maximianus (of which
Maximinus, in the present case, is evidently only a variant form). The
emperor’s conduct in the present case is much more in accord with
Galerius’ character, as known to us, than with the character of
Diocletian; and moreover, it is easier to suppose that the name of
Maximinus was later changed into that of Diocletian, by whose name the
whole persecution was known, than that the greater name was changed
into the less. I am therefore convinced that the reference in the
present case is to Galerius, not to Diocletian.

[2631] See above, Bk. VIII. chap. 2, note 8.

[2632] See above, Bk. IV. chap. 16, note 9, and Bk. VIII. chap. 10,
note 5.

Chapter III.

1. In the course of the second year, the persecution against us
increased greatly. And at that time Urbanus [2633] being governor of
the province, imperial edicts were first issued to him, commanding by a
general decree that all the people should sacrifice at once in the
different cities, and offer libations to the idols. [2634]

In Gaza, a city of Palestine, Timotheus endured countless tortures, and
afterwards was subjected to a slow and moderate fire. Having given, by
his patience in all his sufferings, most genuine evidence of sincerest
piety toward the Deity, he bore away the crown of the victorious
athletes of religion. At the same time Agapius [2635] and our
contemporary, Thecla, [2636] having exhibited most noble constancy,
were condemned as food for the wild beasts.

2. But who that beheld these things would not have admired, or if they
heard of them by report, would not have been astonished? For when the
heathen everywhere were holding a festival and the customary shows, it
was noised abroad that besides the other entertainments, the public
combat of those who had lately been condemned to wild beasts would also
take place.

3. As this report increased and spread in all directions, six young
men, namely, Timolaus, a native of Pontus, Dionysius from Tripolis in
Phoenicia, Romulus, a sub-deacon of the parish of Diospolis, [2637]
Paesis and Alexander, both Egyptians, and another Alexander from Gaza,
having first bound their own hands, went in haste to Urbanus, who was
about to open the exhibition, evidencing great zeal for martyrdom. They
confessed that they were Christians, and by their ambition for all
terrible things, showed that those who glory in the religion of the God
of the universe do not cower before the attacks of wild beasts.

4. Immediately, after creating no ordinary astonishment in the governor
and those who were with him, they were cast into prison. After a few
days two others were added to them. One of them, named Agapius, [2638]
had in former confessions endured dreadful torments of various kinds.
The other, who had supplied them with the necessaries of life, was
called Dionysius. All of these eight were beheaded on one day at
Caesarea, on the twenty-fourth day of the month Dystrus, [2639] which
is the ninth before the Kalends of April.

5. Meanwhile, a change in the emperors occurred, and the first of them
all in dignity, and the second retired into private life, [2640] and
public affairs began to be troubled.

6. Shortly after the Roman government became divided against itself,
and a cruel war arose among them. [2641] And this division, with the
troubles which grew out of it, was not settled until peace toward us
had been established throughout the entire Roman Empire.

7. For when this peace arose for all, as the daylight after the darkest
and most gloomy night, the public affairs of the Roman government were
re-established, and became happy and peaceful, and the ancestral
good-will toward each other was revived. But we will relate these
things more fully at the proper time. Now let us return to the regular
course of events.

[2633] Of Urbanus governor of Palestine, we know only what is told us
in the present work (he is mentioned in this passage and in chaps. 4,
7, and 8, below) and in the Syriac version. From the latter we learn
that he succeeded Flavianus in the second year of the persecution
(304), and that he was deposed by Maximinus in the fifth year (see also
chap. 8, S:7, below), and miserably executed.

[2634] This is the famous fourth edict of Diocletian, which was issued
in the year 304. It marks a stupendous change of method; in fact,
Christianity as such is made, for the first time since the toleration
edict of Gallienus, a religio illicita, whose profession is punishable
by death. The general persecution, in the full sense, begins with the
publication of this edict. Hitherto persecution had been directed only
against supposed political offenders and church officers. The edict is
a complete stultification of Diocletian’s principles as revealed in the
first three edicts, and shows a lamentable lack of the wisdom which had
dictated those measures. Mason has performed an immense service in
proving (to my opinion conclusively) that this brutal edict, senseless
in its very severity, was not issued by Diocletian, but by Maximian,
while Diocletian was quite incapacitated by illness for the performance
of any public duties. Mason’s arguments cannot be reproduced here; they
are given at length on p. 212 sq. of his work. He remarks at the close
of the discussion: ”Diocletian, though he might have wished
Christianity safely abolished, feared the growing power of the Church,
and dared not persecute (till he was forced), lest he should rouse her
from her passivity. But this Fourth Edict was nothing more nor less
than a loud alarum to muster the army of the Church: as the centurions
called over their lists, it taught her the statistics of her numbers,
down to the last child: it proved to her that her troops could endure
all the hardships of the campaign: it ranged her generals in the exact
order of merit. Diocletian, by an exquisite refinement of thought,
while he did not neglect the salutary fear which strong penalties might
inspire in the Christians, knew well enough that though he might
torture every believer in the world into sacrificing, yet Christianity
was not killed: he knew that men were Christians again afterwards as
well as before: could he have seen deeper yet, he would have known that
the utter humiliation of a fall before men and angels converted many a
hard and worldly prelate into a broken-hearted saint: and so he rested
his hopes, not merely on the punishment of individuals, but on his
three great measures for crushing the corporate life,–the destruction
of the churches, the Scriptures, and the clergy. But this Fourth Edict
evidently returns with crass dullness and brutal complacency to the
thought that if half the church were racked till they poured the
libations, and the other half burned or butchered, Paganism would reign
alone forever more, and that the means were as eminently desirable as
the end. Lastly, Diocletian had anxiously avoided all that could rouse
fanatic zeal. The first result of the Fourth Edict was to rouse it.”
According to the Passio S. Sabini, which Mason accepts as in the main
reliable, and which forms the strongest support for his theory, the
edict was published in April, 304. Diocletian, meanwhile, as we know
from Lactantius (de Mort. pers. 17) did not recover sufficiently to
take any part in the government until early in the year 305, so that
Maximian and Galerius had matters all their own way during the entire
year, and could persecute as severely as they chose. As a result, the
Christians, both east and west, suffered greatly during this period.

[2635] Agapius, as we learn from chap. 6, below, survived his contest
with the wild beasts at this time, and was thrown into prison, where he
remained until the fourth year of the persecution, when he was again
brought into the arena in the presence of the tyrant Maximinus, and was
finally thrown into the sea.

[2636] he kath’ hemas Thekla. Thecla seems to be thus designated to
distinguish her from her more famous namesake, whom tradition connected
with Paul and who has played so large a part in romantic legend (see
the Acts of Paul and Thecla in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, VIII. 487 sq.,
and the Dict. of Christ. Biog., s.v.). She is referred to again in
chap. 6, below, but we are not told whether she actually suffered or

[2637] A city of Palestine, lying northwest of Jerusalem, and identical
with the Lydda of Acts ix. 32 sq. For many centuries the seat of a
bishop, and still prominent in the time of the crusades. The persons
referred to in this paragraph are to be distinguished from others of
the same names mentioned elsewhere.

[2638] To be distinguished from the Agapius mentioned earlier in the
chapter, as is clear from the date of his death, given in this

[2639] Dystrus was the seventh month of the Macedonian year,
corresponding to our March. See the table on p. 403, below.

[2640] Diocletian and Maximian abdicated on May 1, 305. See above, Bk.
VIII. chap. 13, note 16.

[2641] When Maxentius usurped the purple in Rome, in the year 306. See
above, Bk. VIII. chap. 13, note 21.

Chapter IV.

1. Maximinus Caesar [2642] having come at that time into the
government, as if to manifest to all the evidences of his reborn enmity
against God, and of his impiety, armed himself for persecution against
us more vigorously than his predecessors.

2. In consequence, no little confusion arose among all, and they
scattered here and there, endeavoring in some way to escape the danger;
and there was great commotion everywhere. But what words would suffice
for a suitable description of the Divine love and boldness, in
confessing God, of the blessed and truly innocent lamb,–I refer to the
martyr Apphianus, [2643] –who presented in the sight of all, before
the gates of Caesarea, a wonderful example of piety toward the only

3. He was at that time not twenty years old. He had first spent a long
time at Berytus, [2644] for the sake of a secular Grecian education, as
he belonged to a very wealthy family. It is wonderful to relate how, in
such a city, he was superior to youthful passions, and clung to virtue,
uncorrupted neither by his bodily vigor nor his young companions;
living discreetly, soberly and piously, in accordance with his
profession of the Christian doctrine and the life of his teachers.

4. If it is needful to mention his native country, and give honor to it
as producing this noble athlete of piety, we will do so with pleasure.

5. The young man came from Pagae, [2645] –if any one is acquainted
with the place,–a city in Lycia of no mean importance. After his
return from his course of study in Berytus, though his father held the
first place in his country, he could not bear to live with him and his
relatives, as it did not please them to live according to the rules of
religion. Therefore, as if he were led by the Divine Spirit, and in
accordance with a natural, or rather an inspired and true philosophy,
regarding this preferable to what is considered the glory of life, and
despising bodily comforts, he secretly left his family. And because of
his faith and hope in God, paying no attention to his daily needs, he
was led by the Divine Spirit to the city of Caesarea, where was
prepared for him the crown of martyrdom for piety.

6. Abiding with us there, and conferring with us in the Divine
Scriptures diligently for a short time, and fitting himself zealously
by suitable exercises, he exhibited such an end as would astonish any
one should it be seen again.

7. Who, that hears of it, would not justly admire his courage,
boldness, constancy, and even more than these the daring deed itself,
which evidenced a zeal for religion and a spirit truly superhuman?

8. For in the second attack upon us under Maximinus, in the third year
of the persecution, edicts of the tyrant were issued for the first
time, commanding that the rulers of the cities should diligently and
speedily see to it that all the people offered sacrifices. [2646]
Throughout the city of Caesarea, by command of the governor, the
heralds were summoning men, women, and children to the temples of the
idols, and besides this, the chiliarchs were calling out each one by
name from a roll, and an immense crowd of the wicked were rushing
together from all quarters. Then this youth fearlessly, while no one
was aware of his intentions, eluded both us who lived in the house with
him and the whole band of soldiers that surrounded the governor, and
rushed up to Urbanus as he was offering libations, and fearlessly
seizing him by the right hand, straightway put a stop to his
sacrificing, and skillfully and persuasively, with a certain divine
inspiration, exhorted him to abandon his delusion, because it was not
well to forsake the one and only true God, and sacrifice to idols and

9. It is probable that this was done by the youth through a divine
power which led him forward, and which all but cried aloud in his act,
that Christians, who were truly such, were so far from abandoning the
religion of the God of the universe which they had once espoused, that
they were not only superior to threats and the punishments which
followed, but yet bolder to speak with noble and untrammeled tongue,
and, if possible, to summon even their persecutors to turn from their
ignorance and acknowledge the only true God.

10. Thereupon, he of whom we are speaking, and that instantly, as might
have been expected after so bold a deed, was torn by the governor and
those who were with him as if by wild beasts. And having endured
manfully innumerable blows over his entire body, he was straightway
cast into prison.

11. There he was stretched by the tormentor with both his feet in the
stocks for a night and a day; and the next day he was brought before
the judge. As they endeavored to force him to surrender, he exhibited
all constancy under suffering and terrible tortures. His sides were
torn, not once, or twice, but many times, to the bones and the very
bowels; and he received so many blows on his face and neck that those
who for a long time had been well acquainted with him could not
recognize his swollen face.

12. But as he would not yield under this treatment, the torturers, as
commanded, covered his feet with linen cloths soaked in oil and set
them on fire. No word can describe the agonies which the blessed one
endured from this. For the fire consumed his flesh and penetrated to
his bones, so that the humors of his body were melted and oozed out and
dropped down like wax.

13. But as he was not subdued by this, his adversaries being defeated
and unable to comprehend his superhuman constancy, cast him again into
prison. A third time he was brought before the judge; and having
witnessed the same profession, being half dead, he was finally thrown
into the depths of the sea.

14. But what happened immediately after this will scarcely be believed
by those who did not see it. Although we realize this, yet we must
record the event, of which to speak plainly, all the inhabitants of
Caesarea were witnesses. For truly there was no age but beheld this
marvelous sight.

15. For as soon as they had cast this truly sacred and thrice-blessed
youth into the fathomless depths of the sea, an uncommon commotion and
disturbance agitated the sea and all the shore about it, so that the
land and the entire city were shaken by it. And at the same time with
this wonderful and sudden perturbation, the sea threw out before the
gates of the city the body of the divine martyr, as if unable to endure
it. [2647]

Such was the death of the wonderful Apphianus. It occurred on the
second day of the month Xanthicus, [2648] which is the fourth day
before the Nones of April, on the day of preparation. [2649]

[2642] On Maximinus and his attitude toward the Christians, see above,
Bk. VIII. chap. 14, note 2. He was made a Caesar at the time of the
abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, May 1, 305, and Egypt and Syria
were placed under his supervision.

[2643] Apphianus is called, in the Syriac version, Epiphanius. We know
him only from this account of Eusebius. For some remarks upon his
martyrdom, see above, p. 8 sq.

[2644] The modern Beirut. A celebrated school of literature and law
flourished there for a number of centuries.

[2645] The mss., according to Valesius, are somewhat at variance in the
spelling of this name, and the place is perhaps to be identified with
Araxa, a city of some importance in northwestern Lycia.

[2646] This was simply a republication in its fullness of Maximian’s
fourth edict, which was referred to in chap. 3 (see note 2 on that
chapter). Eusebius does not mean to say that this was the first time
that such an edict was published, but that this was the first edict of
Maximinus, the newly appointed Caesar.

[2647] It is perhaps not necessary to doubt that an earthquake took
place at this particular time. Nor is it surprising that under the
circumstances the Christians saw a miracle in a natural phenomenon.

[2648] Xanthicus was the eighth month of the Macedonian year, and
corresponded to our April (see table on p. 403, below). The martyrdom
of Apphianus must have taken place in 306, not 305; for according to
the direct testimony of Lactantius (de Mort. pers. chap. 19; the
statement is unaccountably omitted in the English translation given in
the Ante-Nicene Fathers), Maximinus did not become Caesar until May 1,
305; while, according to the present chapter, Apphianus suffered
martyrdom after Maximinus had been raised to that position. Eusebius
himself puts the abdication of the old emperors and the appointment of
the new Caesars early in April or late in March (see above, chap. 3,
S:5, and the Syriac version of the Martyrs, p. 12), and with him agree
other early authorities. But it is more difficult to doubt the accuracy
of Lactantius’ dates than to suppose the others mistaken, and hence May
1st is commonly accepted by historians as the day of abdication. About
the year there can be no question; for Lactantius’ account of
Diocletian’s movements during the previous year exhibits a very exact
knowledge of the course of events, and its accuracy cannot be doubted.
(For a fuller discussion of the date of the abdication, see Tillemont’s
Hist. des Emp., 2d ed., IV. p. 609.) But even if it were admitted that
the abdication took place four or five weeks earlier (according to
Eusebius’ own statement, it did not at any rate occur before the
twenty-fourth of March: see chap. 3, above, and the Syriac version, p.
12), it would be impossible to put Apphianus’ death on the second of
April, for this would not give time for all that must intervene between
the day of his appointment and the republication and execution of the
persecuting edicts. In fact, it is plain enough from the present
chapter that Apphianus did not suffer until some time after the
accession of Maximinus, and therefore not until the following year.
Eusebius, as can be seen from the first paragraph of this work on the
martyrs, reckoned the beginning of the persecution in Palestine not
with the issue of the first edict in Nicomedia on Feb. 24, 303, but
with the month of April of that same year. Apphianus’ death therefore
took place at the very close of the third year of the persecution,
according to this reckoning.

[2649] i.e. Friday, the old Jewish term being still retained and widely
used, although with the change of the Sabbath from the seventh to the
first day of the week it had entirely lost its meaning. Upon the
prevalence of the word among the Fathers as a designation of Friday,
see Suicer’s Thesaurus, s.v. paraskeue and nesteia. The day of Christ’s
crucifixion was called megEURle paraskeue, the ”great preparation.”

Chapter V.

1. About the same time, in the city of Tyre, a youth named Ulpianus,
[2650] after dreadful tortures and most severe scourgings, was enclosed
in a raw oxhide, with a dog and with one of those poisonous reptiles,
an asp, and cast into the sea. Wherefore I think that we may properly
mention him in connection with the martyrdom of Apphianus.

2. Shortly afterwards, AEdesius, [2651] a brother of Apphianus, not
only in God, but also in the flesh, being a son of the same earthly
father, endured sufferings like his, after very many confessions and
protracted tortures in bonds, and after he had been sentenced by the
governor to the mines in Palestine. He conducted himself through them
all in a truly philosophic manner; for he was more highly educated than
his brother, and had prosecuted philosophic studies.

3. Finally in the city of Alexandria, when he beheld the judge, who was
trying the Christians, offending beyond all bounds, now insulting holy
men in various ways, and again consigning women of greatest modesty and
even religious virgins to procurers for shameful treatment, he acted
like his brother. For as these things seemed insufferable, he went
forward with bold resolve, and with his words and deeds overwhelmed the
judge with shame and disgrace. After suffering in consequence many
forms of torture, he endured a death similar to his brother’s, being
cast into the sea. But these things, as I have said, happened to him in
this way a little later.

[2650] The martyrdom of Ulpian is omitted in the Syriac version. It was
apparently a later addition, made when the abridgment of the longer
version was produced; and this perhaps accounts for the brevity of the
notice and the words of explanation with which the mention of him is

[2651] Called Alosis in the Syriac version.

Chapter VI.

1. In the fourth year of the persecution against us, on the twelfth day
before the Kalends of December, which is the twentieth day of the month
Dius, [2652] on the day before the Sabbath, [2653] while the tyrant
Maximinus was present and giving magnificent shows in honor of his
birthday, the following event, truly worthy of record, occurred in the
city of Caesarea.

2. As it was an ancient custom to furnish the spectators more splendid
shows when the emperors were present than at other times, new and
foreign spectacles taking the place of the customary amusements, such
as animals brought from India or Ethiopia or other places, or men who
could astonish the beholders with skillful bodily exercises,–it was
necessary at this time, as the emperor was giving the exhibition, to
add to the shows something more wonderful. And what should this be?

3. A witness of our doctrine was brought into the midst and endured the
contest for the true and only religion. This was Agapius, who, as we
have stated a little above, [2654] was, with Thecla, the second to be
thrown to the wild beasts for food. He had also, three times and more,
marched with malefactors from the prison to the arena; and every time,
after threats from the judge, whether in compassion or in hope that he
might change his mind, had been reserved for other conflicts. But the
emperor being present, he was brought out at this time, as if he had
been appropriately reserved for this occasion, until the very word of
the Saviour should be fulfilled in him, which through divine knowledge
he declared to his disciples, that they should be brought before kings
on account of their testimony unto him. [2655]

4. He was taken into the midst of the arena with a certain malefactor
who they said was charged with the murder of his master.

5. But this murderer of his master, when he had been cast to the wild
beasts, was deemed worthy of compassion and humanity, almost like
Barabbas in the time of our Saviour. And the whole theater resounded
with shouts and cries of approval, because the murderer was humanely
saved by the emperor, and deemed worthy of honor and freedom.

6. But the athlete of religion was first summoned by the tyrant and
promised liberty if he would deny his profession. But he testified with
a loud voice that, not for any fault, but for the religion of the
Creator of the universe, he would readily and with pleasure endure
whatever might be inflicted upon him.

7. Having said this, he joined the deed to the word, and rushed to meet
a bear which had been let loose against him, surrendering himself most
cheerfully to be devoured by him. After this, as he still breathed, he
was cast into prison. And living yet one day, stones were bound to his
feet, and he was drowned in the depths of the sea. Such was the
martyrdom of Agapius.

[2652] The month Dius was the third month of the Macedonian year, and
corresponded to our November (see table on p. 403, below).

[2653] prosabbEURtou hemera, i.e. on Friday, prosEURbbatos being
sometimes used among the Jews as a designation of that day, which was
more commonly called paraskeue (cf. Mark xv. 42). Whether it was widely
used in the Christian Church of Eusebius’ day I am unable to say
(Suicer does not give the word); but the use of it here shows that it
was familiar at least in Palestine. It is said in Kraus’ Real-Encyclop.
d. christ. Alterth, s.v. Wochentage, to occur in a decree of
Constantine, quoted in Eusebius’ Vita Const. IV. 18; but the text is
doubtful, and at best, the use of it there proves no more as to the
prevalence of the word than its use in the present case, for Eusebius
simply gives, in his own language, the substance of Constantine’s

[2654] See above, chap. 3, S:1.

[2655] Cf. Matt. x. 18

Chapter VII.

1. Again, in Caesarea, when the persecution had continued to the fifth
year, on the second day of the month Xanthicus, [2656] which is the
fourth before the Nones of April, on the very Lord’s day of our
Saviour’s resurrection, [2657] Theodosia, a virgin from Tyre, a
faithful and sedate maiden, not yet eighteen years of age, went up to
certain prisoners who were confessing the kingdom of Christ and sitting
before the judgment seat, and saluted them, and, as is probable,
besought them to remember her when they came before the Lord.

2. Thereupon, as if she had committed a profane and impious act, the
soldiers seized her and led her to the governor. And he immediately,
like a madman and a wild beast in his anger, tortured her with dreadful
and most terrible torments in her sides and breasts, even to the very
bones. And as she still breathed, and withal stood with a joyful and
beaming countenance, he ordered her thrown into the waves of the sea.
Then passing from her to the other confessors, he condemned all of them
to the copper mines in Phaeno in Palestine.

3. Afterwards on the fifth of the month Dius, [2658] on the Nones of
November according to the Romans, in the same city, Silvanus [2659]
(who at that time was a presbyter and confessor, but who shortly after
was honored with the episcopate and died a martyr), and those with him,
men who had shown the noblest firmness in behalf of religion, were
condemned by him to labor in the same copper mines, command being first
given that their ankles be disabled with hot irons.

4. At the same time he delivered to the flames a man who was
illustrious through numerous other confessions. This was Domninus, who
was well known to all in Palestine for his exceeding fearlessness.
[2660] After this the same judge, who was a cruel contriver of
suffering, and an inventor of devices against the doctrine of Christ,
planned against the pious punishments that had never been heard of. He
condemned three to single pugilistic combat. He delivered to be
devoured by wild beasts Auxentius, a grave and holy old man. Others who
were in mature life he made eunuchs, and condemned them to the same
mines. Yet others, after severe tortures, he cast into prison.

Among these was my dearest friend Pamphilus, [2661] who was by reason
of every virtue the most illustrious of the martyrs in our time.

5. Urbanus first tested him in rhetorical philosophy and learning; and
afterwards endeavored to compel him to sacrifice. But as he saw that he
refused and in nowise regarded his threats, being exceedingly angry, he
ordered him to be tormented with severest tortures.

6. And when the brutal man, after he had almost satiated himself with
these tortures by continuous and prolonged scrapings in his sides, was
yet covered with shame before all, he put him also with the confessors
in prison.

7. But what recompense for his cruelty to the saints, he who thus
abused the martyrs of Christ, shall receive from the Divine judgment,
may be easily determined from the preludes to it, in which immediately,
and not long after his daring cruelties against Pamphilus, while he yet
held the government, the Divine judgment came upon him. For thus
suddenly, he who but yesterday was judging on the lofty tribunal,
guarded by a band of soldiers, and ruling over the whole nation of
Palestine, the associate and dearest friend and table companion of the
tyrant himself, was stripped in one night, and overwhelmed with
disgrace and shame before those who had formerly admired him as if he
were himself an emperor; and he appeared cowardly and unmanly, uttering
womanish cries and supplications to all the people whom he had ruled.
And Maximinus himself, in reliance upon whose favor Urbanus was
formerly so arrogantly insolent, as if he loved him exceedingly for his
deeds against us, was set as a harsh and most severe judge in this same
Caesarea to pronounce sentence of death against him, for the great
disgrace of the crimes of which he was convicted. Let us say this in

8. A suitable time may come when we shall have leisure to relate the
end and the fate of those impious men who especially fought against us,
[2662] both of Maximinus himself and those with him.

[2656] i.e. April 2, 307. Eusebius is inconsistent with himself in this
case. In chap. 3, above, he states that Apphianus suffered on April 2,
in the third year of the persecution. But as shown in the note on that
passage, Apphianus suffered in April, 306, and therefore, in that case,
Eusebius reckons the first year of the persecution as beginning after
the second of April. But in the present case he reckons it as beginning
before the second of April, and the latter date as falling early in a
new year of the persecution. That the martyrdom recorded in the present
case actually took place in 307, and not in 308, as it must have done
if Eusebius were consistent with himself, is proved, first, by the fact
that, in entering upon this new chapter, he says, ”the persecution
having continued to the fifth year,” implying thereby that the event
which he is about to relate took place at the beginning, not at the
end, of the fifth year; and secondly, by the fact that later on, in
this same chapter, while still relating the events of the fifth year,
he recounts martyrdoms as taking place in the month of November (Dius).
This is conclusive, for November of the fifth year can be only
November, 307, and hence the April mentioned in the present paragraph
can be only April of the same year. Evidently Eusebius did not reckon
the beginning of the persecution in Palestine from a fixed day, but
rather from the month Xanthicus (April). As a consequence, the
inconsistency into which he has fallen is not very strange; the second
day of April might easily be reckoned either as one of the closing days
of a year, or as the beginning of the ensuing year. In the present
case, he evidently forgot that he had previously used the former

[2657] i.e. on Easter Sunday. In the Syriac version, the events
recorded in the present chapter are put on a Sunday; but that it was
Easter is not stated.

[2658] i.e. November fifth.

[2659] On Silvanus, who afterward became bishop of Gaza, see above, Bk.
VIII. chap. 13.

[2660] Or ”frankness”; literally, ”freedom” (eleutheria).

[2661] On Pamphilus, see above, Bk. VII. chap. 32, note 40.

[2662] The death of Maximinus is related in Bk. IX. chap. 10. Nothing
further is said in regard to Urbanus; but the fate of his successor
Firmilianus is recorded in chap. 11, below. It is quite possible that
Eusebius, in the present case, is referring to a more detailed
statement of the fates of the various persecutors, which was to form
the second part of the present work; and it is possible, still further,
that the appendix printed at the close of the eighth book is a fragment
of this second part, as suggested by Lightfoot (see above, p. 29).

Chapter VIII.

1. Up to the sixth year the storm had been incessantly raging against
us. Before this time there had been a very large number of confessors
of religion in the so-called Porphyry quarry in Thebais, which gets its
name from the stone found there. Of these, one hundred men, lacking
three, together with women and infants, were sent to the governor of
Palestine. When they confessed the God of the universe and Christ,
Firmilianus, [2663] who had been sent there as governor in the place of
Urbanus, directed, in accordance with the imperial command, that they
should be maimed by burning the sinews of the ankles of their left
feet, and that their right eyes with the eyelids and pupils should
first be cut out, and then destroyed by hot irons to the very roots.
And he then sent them to the mines in the province to endure hardships
with severe toil and suffering.

2. But it was not sufficient that these only who suffered such miseries
should be deprived of their eyes, but those natives of Palestine also,
who were mentioned just above as condemned to pugilistic combat, since
they would neither receive food from the royal storehouse nor undergo
the necessary preparatory exercises.

3. Having been brought on this account not only before the overseers,
but also before Maximinus himself, and having manifested the noblest
persistence in confession by the endurance of hunger and stripes, they
received like punishment with those whom we have mentioned, and with
them other confessors in the city of Caesarea.

4. Immediately afterwards others who were gathered to hear the
Scriptures read, were seized in Gaza, and some endured the same
sufferings in the feet and eyes; but others were afflicted with yet
greater torments and with most terrible tortures in the sides.

5. One of these, in body a woman, but in understanding a man, would not
endure the threat of fornication, and spoke directly against the tyrant
who entrusted the government to such cruel judges. She was first
scourged and then raised aloft on the stake, and her sides lacerated.

6. As those appointed for this purpose applied the tortures incessantly
and severely at the command of the judge, another, with mind fixed,
like the former, on virginity as her aim,–a woman who was altogether
mean in form and contemptible in appearance; but, on the other hand,
strong in soul, and endowed with an understanding superior to her
body,–being unable to bear the merciless and cruel and inhuman deeds,
with a boldness beyond that of the combatants famed among the Greeks,
cried out to the judge from the midst of the crowd: ”And how long will
you thus cruelly torture my sister?” But he was greatly enraged, and
ordered the woman to be immediately seized.

7. Thereupon she was brought forward and having called herself by the
august name of the Saviour, she was first urged by words to sacrifice,
and as she refused she was dragged by force to the altar. But her
sister continued to maintain her former zeal, and with intrepid and
resolute foot kicked the altar, and overturned it with the fire that
was on it.

8. Thereupon the judge, enraged like a wild beast, inflicted on her
such tortures in her sides as he never had on any one before, striving
almost to glut himself with her raw flesh. But when his madness was
satiated, he bound them both together, this one and her whom she called
sister, and condemned them to death by fire. It is said that the first
of these was from the country of Gaza; the other, by name Valentina,
was of Caesarea, and was well known to many.

9. But how can I describe as it deserves the martyrdom which followed,
with which the thrice-blessed Paul was honored. He was condemned to
death at the same time with them, under one sentence. At the time of
his martyrdom, as the executioner was about to cut off his head, he
requested a brief respite.

10. This being granted, he first, in a clear and distinct voice,
supplicated God in behalf of his fellow-Christians, [2664] praying for
their pardon, and that freedom might soon be restored to them. Then he
asked for the conversion of the Jews to God through Christ; and
proceeding in order he requested the same things for the Samaritans,
and besought that those Gentiles, who were in error and were ignorant
of God, might come to a knowledge of him, and adopt the true religion.
Nor did he leave neglected the mixed multitude who were standing

11. After all these, oh! great and unspeakable forbearance! he
entreated the God of the universe for the judge who had condemned him
to death, and for the highest rulers, and also for the one who was
about to behead him, in his hearing and that of all present, beseeching
that their sin toward him should not be reckoned against them.

12. Having prayed for these things with a loud voice, and having, as
one who was dying unjustly, moved almost all to compassion and tears,
of his own accord he made himself ready, and submitted his bare neck to
the stroke of the sword, and was adorned with divine martyrdom. This
took place on the twenty-fifth day of the month Panemus, [2665] which
is the eighth before the Kalends of August.

13. Such was the end of these persons. But not long after, one hundred
and thirty admirable athletes of the confession of Christ, from the
land of Egypt, endured, in Egypt itself, at the command of Maximinus
the same afflictions in their eyes and feet with the former persons,
and were sent to the above-mentioned mines in Palestine. But some of
them were condemned to the mines in Cilicia.

[2663] Of Firmilianus, the successor of Urbanus, we know only what is
told us here and in chaps. 9 and 11, below. In the latter chapter,
S:31, his execution is recorded.

[2664] homoethnon.

[2665] i.e. July 25 (a.d. 308). See the table on p. 403, below.

Chapter IX.

1. After such noble acts of the distinguished martyrs of Christ, the
flame of persecution lessened, and was quenched, as it were by their
sacred blood, and relief and liberty were granted to those who, for
Christ’s sake, were laboring in the mines of Thebais, and for a little
time we were beginning to breath pure air.

2. But by some new impulse, I know not what, he who held the power to
persecute was again aroused against the Christians. Immediately letters
from Maximinus against us were published everywhere in every province.
[2666] The governors and the military prefect [2667] urged by edicts
and letters and public ordinances the magistrates and generals and
notaries [2668] in all the cities to carry out the imperial decree,
which ordered that the altars of the idols should with all speed be
rebuilt; and that all men, women, and children, even infants at the
breast, should sacrifice and offer oblations; and that with diligence
and care they should cause them to taste of the execrable offerings;
and that the things for sale in the market should be polluted with
libations from the sacrifices; and that guards should be stationed
before the baths in order to defile with the abominable sacrifices
those who went to wash in them.

3. When these orders were being carried out, our people, as was
natural, were at the beginning greatly distressed in mind; and even the
unbelieving heathen blamed the severity and the exceeding absurdity of
what was done. For these things appeared to them extreme and

4. As the heaviest storm impended over all in every quarter, the divine
power of our Saviour again infused such boldness into his athletes,
[2669] that without being drawn on or dragged forward by any one, they
spurned the threats. Three of the faithful joining together, rushed on
the governor as he was sacrificing to the idols, and cried out to him
to cease from his delusion, there being no other God than the Maker and
Creator of the universe. When he asked who they were, they confessed
boldly that they were Christians.

5. Thereupon Firmilianus, being greatly enraged, sentenced them to
capital punishment without inflicting tortures upon them. The name of
the eldest of these was Antoninus; of the next, Zebinas, who was a
native of Eleutheropolis; and of the third, Germanus. This took place
on the thirteenth of the month Dius, the Ides of November. [2670]

6. There was associated with them on the same day Ennathas, a woman
from Scythopolis, who was adorned with the chaplet of virginity. She
did not indeed do as they had done, but was dragged by force and
brought before the judge.

7. She endured scourgings and cruel insults, which Maxys, a tribune of
a neighboring district, without the knowledge of the superior
authority, dared to inflict upon her. He was a man worse than his name,
[2671] sanguinary in other respects, exceedingly harsh, and altogether
cruel, and censured by all who knew him. This man stripped the blessed
woman of all her clothing, so that she was covered only from her loins
to her feet and the rest of her body was bare. And he led her through
the entire city of Caesarea, and regarded it as a great thing to beat
her with thongs while she was dragged through all the market-places.

8. After such treatment she manifested the noblest constancy at the
judgment seat of the governor himself; and the judge condemned her to
be burned alive. He also carried his rage against the pious to a most
inhuman length and transgressed the laws of nature, not being ashamed
even to deny burial to the lifeless bodies of the sacred men.

9. Thus he ordered the dead to be exposed in the open air as food for
wild beasts and to be watched carefully by night and day. For many days
a large number of men attended to this savage and barbarous decree. And
they looked out from their post of observation, as if it were a matter
worthy of care, to see that the dead bodies should not be stolen. And
wild beasts and dogs and birds of prey scattered the human limbs here
and there, and the whole city was strewed with the entrails and bones
of men,

10. so that nothing had ever appeared more dreadful and horrible, even
to those who formerly hated us; though they bewailed not so much the
calamity of those against whom these things were done, as the outrage
against themselves and the common nature of man.

11. For there was to be seen near the gates a spectacle beyond all
description and tragic recital; for not only was human flesh devoured
in one place, but it was scattered in every place; so that some said
that limbs and masses of flesh and parts of entrails were to be seen
even within the gates.

12. After these things had continued for many days, a wonderful event
occurred. The air was clear and bright and the appearance of the sky
most serene. When suddenly throughout the city from the pillars which
supported the public porches many drops fell like tears; and the market
places and streets, though there was no mist in the air, were moistened
with sprinkled water, whence I know not. Then immediately it was
reported everywhere that the earth, unable to endure the abomination of
these things, had shed tears in a mysterious manner; and that as a
rebuke to the relentless and unfeeling nature of men, stones and
lifeless wood had wept for what had happened. I know well that this
account may perhaps appear idle and fabulous to those who come after
us, but not to those to whom the truth was confirmed at the time.

[2666] This is the so-called Fifth Edict, and was issued (according to
the Passio S. Theodori) by Galerius and Maximinus, but was evidently
inspired by Maximinus himself. Mason speaks of it as follows: ”It would
be inaccurate to say that this Fifth Edict (if so we may call it) was
worse than any of the foregoing. But there is in it a thin bitterness,
a venomous spitefulness, which may be noticed as characteristic of all
the later part of the persecution. This spitefulness is due to two main
facts. The first was that Paganism was becoming conscious of defeat;
the Church had not yielded a single point. The second fact was that the
Church had no longer to deal with the sensible, statesmanlike hostility
of Diocletian,–not even with the bluff bloodiness of Maximian.
Galerius himself was now, except in name, no longer
persecutor-in-chief. He was content to follow the lead of a man who was
in all ways even worse than himself. Galerius was indeed an Evil Beast;
his nephew was more like the Crooked Serpent. The artful sour spirit of
Maximin employed itself to invent, not larger measures of solid policy
against his feared and hated foes, but petty tricks to annoy and sting
them.” For a fuller discussion of the edict, see Mason, p. 284 sq. It
must have been published in the autumn of the year 308, for the
martyrdom of Paul, recorded in the previous chapter, took place in July
of that year, and some little time seems to have elapsed between that
event and the present. On the other hand, the martyrdoms mentioned
below, in S:5, took place in November of this same year, so that we can
fix the date of the edict within narrow limits.

[2667] ho tou ton stratopedon archein epitetagmenos. Many regard this
officer as the praetorian prefect. But we should naturally expect so
high an official to be mentioned before the governors (hegemones). It
seems probable, in fact, that the commander in charge of the military
forces of Palestine, or possibly of Syria, is referred to in the
present case. See Valesius’ note, ad locum.

[2668] Or ”town clerks,” taboulEURrioi

[2669] Literally, ”its athletes” (autes), the antecedent of the pronoun
being ”the divine power.”

[2670] i.e. Nov. 13, 308.

[2671] MEURxus is not a Greek word. Ruinart, Acta Martt., p. 327,
remarks, An a Syris repetenda, apud quos mochos est pulicanus a casas
increpare? But the derivation is, to say the least, very doubtful.
Cureton throws no light on the matter. The word in the Syriac version
seems to be simply a reproduction of the form found in the Greek

[2672] This is a glaring instance of uncritical credulity on Eusebius’
part, and yet even Cruse can say: ”Perhaps some might smile at the
supposed credulity of our author, but the miracle in this account was
not greater than the malignity, and if man can perform miracles of
vice, we can scarcely wonder if Providence should present, at least,
miracles of admonition.” Cureton more sensibly remarks: ”This, which
doubtless was produced by natural causes, seemed miraculous to
Eusebius, more especially if he looked upon it as fulfilling a prophecy
of our Lord–Luke xix. 40: `I tell you, that if these should hold their
peace, the stones would immediately cry out.’ See also Hab. ii. 11.”

Chapter X.

1. On the fourteenth day of the following month Appellaeus, [2673] the
nineteenth before the Kalends of January, certain persons from Egypt
were again seized by those who examined people passing the gates. They
had been sent to minister to the confessors in Cilicia. They received
the same sentence as those whom they had gone to help, being mutilated
in their eyes and feet. Three of them exhibited in Ascalon, where they
were imprisoned, marvelous bravery in the endurance of various kinds of
martyrdom. One of them named Ares was condemned to the flames, and the
others, called Probus [2674] and Elias, were beheaded.

2. On the eleventh day of the month Audynaeus, [2675] which is the
third before the Ides of January, in the same city of Caesarea, Peter
an ascetic, also called Apselamus, [2676] from the village of Anea,
[2677] on the borders of Eleutheropolis, like purest gold, gave noble
proof by fire of his faith in the Christ of God. Though the judge and
those around him besought him many times to have compassion on himself,
and to spare his own youth and bloom, he disregarded them, preferring
hope in the God of the universe to all things, even to life itself. A
certain Asclepius, supposed to be [2678] a bishop of the sect of
Marcion, possessed as he thought with zeal for religion, but ”not
according to knowledge,” [2679] ended his life on one and the same
funeral pyre. These things took place in this manner.

[2673] i.e. Dec. 14, 308 (see the tables on p. 403, below).

[2674] The majority of the codices read Promos, but as Valesius
remarks, such a proper name is quite unknown in Greek, and the form
probably arose from a confusion of b and m, which in ancient mss. were
written alike. Two of our existing codices read Probos, and this has
been adopted by Zimmermann and Heinichen, whom I have followed in the

[2675] i.e. Jan. 11, 309.

[2676] In the Syriac version ”Absalom.”

[2677] Of this village we know nothing, but Eleutheropolis (originally
Bethozabris) was an important place lying some forty miles southwest of

[2678] einai dokon. Eusebius did not wish to admit that he was a bishop
in a true sense.

[2679] Rom. x. 2.

Chapter XI.

1. It is time to describe the great and celebrated spectacle of
Pamphilus, [2680] a man thrice dear to me, and of those who finished
their course with him. They were twelve in all; being counted worthy of
apostolic grace and number.

2. Of these the leader and the only one honored with the position of
presbyter at Caesarea, was Pamphilus; a man who through his entire life
was celebrated for every virtue, for renouncing and despising the
world, for sharing his possessions with the needy, for contempt of
earthly hopes, and for philosophic deportment and exercise. He
especially excelled all in our time in most sincere devotion to the
Divine Scriptures and indefatigable industry in whatever he undertook,
and in his helpfulness to his relatives and associates.

3. In a separate treatise on his life, [2681] consisting of three
books, we have already described the excellence of his virtue.
Referring to this work those who delight in such things and desire to
know them, let us now consider the martyrs in order.

4. Second after Pamphilus, Vales, who was honored for his venerable
gray hair, entered the contest. He was a deacon from AElia, [2682] an
old man of gravest appearance, and versed in the Divine Scriptures, if
any one ever was. He had so laid up the memory of them in his heart
that he did not need to look at the books if he undertook to repeat any
passage of Scripture.

5. The third was Paul from the city of Jamna, [2683] who was known
among them as most zealous and fervent in spirit. Previous to his
martyrdom, he had endured the conflict of confession by cauterization.

After these persons had continued in prison for two entire years, the
occasion of their martyrdom was a second arrival of Egyptian brethren
who suffered with them.

6. They had accompanied the confessors in Cilicia to the mines there
and were returning to their homes. At the entrance of the gates of
Caesarea, the guards, who were men of barbarous character, questioned
them as to who they were and whence they came. They kept back nothing
of the truth, and were seized as malefactors taken in the very act.
They were five in number.

7. When brought before the tyrant, being very bold in his presence,
they were immediately thrown into prison. On the next day, which was
the nineteenth of the month Peritius, [2684] according to the Roman
reckoning the fourteenth before the Kalends of March, they were
brought, according to command, before the judge, with Pamphilus and his
associates whom we have mentioned. First, by all kinds of torture,
through the invention of strange and various machines, he tested the
invincible constancy of the Egyptians.

8. Having practised these cruelties upon the leader [2685] of all, he
asked him first who he was. He heard in reply the name of some prophet
instead of his proper name. For it was their custom, in place of the
names of idols given them by their fathers, if they had such, to take
other names; so that you would hear them calling themselves Elijah or
Jeremiah or Isaiah or Samuel or Daniel, thus showing themselves
inwardly true Jews, and the genuine Israel of God, not only in deeds,
but in the names which they bore. When Firmilianus had heard some such
name from the martyr, and did not understand the force of the word, he
asked next the name of his country.

9. But he gave a second answer similar to the former, saying that
Jerusalem was his country, meaning that of which Paul says, ”Jerusalem
which is above is free, which is our mother,” [2686] and, ”Ye are come
unto Mount Sion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly
Jerusalem.” [2687]

10. This was what he meant; but the judge thinking only of the earth,
sought diligently to discover what that city was, and in what part of
the world it was situated. And therefore he applied tortures that the
truth might be acknowledged. But the man, with his hands twisted behind
his back, and his feet crushed by strange machines, asserted firmly
that he had spoken the truth.

11. And being questioned again repeatedly what and where the city was
of which he spoke, he said that it was the country of the pious alone,
for no others should have a place in it, and that it lay toward the far
East and the rising sun.

12. He philosophized about these things according to his own
understanding, and was in nowise turned from them by the tortures with
which he was afflicted on every side. And as if he were without flesh
or body he seemed insensible of his sufferings. But the judge being
perplexed, was impatient, thinking that the Christians were about to
establish a city somewhere, inimical and hostile to the Romans. And he
inquired much about this, and investigated where that country toward
the East was located.

13. But when he had for a long time lacerated the young man with
scourgings, and punished him with all sorts of torments, he perceived
that his persistence in what he had said could not be changed, and
passed against him sentence of death. Such a scene was exhibited by
what was done to this man. And having inflicted similar tortures on the
others, he sent them away in the same manner.

14. Then being wearied and perceiving that he punished the men in vain,
having satiated his desire, he proceeded against Pamphilus and his
companions. And having learned that already under former tortures they
had manifested an unchangeable zeal for the faith, he asked them if
they would now obey. And receiving from every one of them only this one
answer, as their last word of confession in martyrdom, he inflicted on
them punishment similar to the others.

15. When this had been done, a young man, one of the household servants
of Pamphilus, who had been educated in the noble life and instruction
of such a man, learning the sentence passed upon his master, cried out
from the midst of the crowd asking that their bodies might be buried.

16. Thereupon the judge, not a man, but a wild beast, or if anything
more savage than a wild beast, giving no consideration to the young
man’s age, asked him only the same question. When he learned that he
confessed himself a Christian, as if he had been wounded by a dart,
swelling with rage, he ordered the tormentors to use their utmost power
against him.

17. And when he saw that he refused to sacrifice as commanded, he
ordered them to scrape him continually to his very bones and to the
inmost recesses of his bowels, not as if he were human flesh but as if
he were stones or wood or any lifeless thing. But after long
persistence he saw that this was in vain, as the man was speechless and
insensible and almost lifeless, his body being worn out by the

18. But being inflexibly merciless and inhuman, he ordered him to be
committed straightway, as he was, to a slow fire. And before the death
of his earthly master, though he had entered later on the conflict, he
received release from the body, while those who had been zealous about
the others were yet delaying.

19. One could then see Porphyry, [2688] like one who had come off
victorious in every conflict, his body covered with dust, but his
countenance cheerful, after such sufferings, with courageous and
exulting mind, advancing to death. And as if truly filled with the
Divine Spirit, covered only with his philosophic robe thrown about him
as a cloak, soberly and intelligently he directed his friends as to
what he wished, and beckoned to them, preserving still a cheerful
countenance even at the stake. But when the fire was kindled at some
distance around him in a circle, having inhaled the flame into his
mouth, he continued most nobly in silence from that time till his
death, after the single word which he uttered when the flame first
touched him, and he cried out for the help of Jesus the Son of God.
Such was the contest of Porphyry.

20. His death was reported to Pamphilus by a messenger, Seleucus. He
was one of the confessors from the army. As the bearer of such a
message, he was forthwith deemed worthy of a similar lot. For as soon
as he related the death of Porphyry, and had saluted one of the martyrs
with a kiss, some of the soldiers seized him and led him to the
governor. And he, as if he would hasten him on to be a companion of the
former on the way to heaven, commanded that he be put to death

21. This man was from Cappadocia, and belonged to the select band of
soldiers, and had obtained no small honor in those things which are
esteemed among the Romans. For in stature and bodily strength, and size
and vigor, he far excelled his fellow-soldiers, so that his appearance
was matter of common talk, and his whole form was admired on account of
its size and symmetrical proportions.

22. At the beginning of the persecution he was prominent in the
conflicts of confession, through his patience under scourging. After he
left the army he set himself to imitate zealously the religious
ascetics, and as if he were their father and guardian he showed himself
a bishop and patron of destitute orphans and defenceless widows and of
those who were distressed with penury or sickness. It is likely that on
this account he was deemed worthy of an extraordinary call to martyrdom
by God, who rejoices in such things more than in the smoke and blood of

23. He was the tenth athlete among those whom we have mentioned as
meeting their end on one and the same day. On this day, as was fitting,
the chief gate was opened, and a ready way of entrance into the kingdom
of heaven was given to the martyr Pamphilus and to the others with him.

24. In the footsteps of Seleucus came Theodulus, a grave and pious old
man, who belonged to the governor’s household, and had been honored by
Firmilianus himself more than all the others in his house on account of
his age, and because he was a father of the third generation, and also
on account of the kindness and most faithful conscientiousness which he
had manifested toward him. [2689] As he pursued the course of Seleucus
when brought before his master, the latter was more angry at him than
at those who had preceded him, and condemned him to endure the
martyrdom of the Saviour on the cross. [2690]

25. As there lacked yet one to fill up the number of the twelve martyrs
of whom we have spoken, Julian came to complete it. He had just arrived
from abroad, and had not yet entered the gate of the city, when having
learned about the martyrs while still on the way, he rushed at once,
just as he was, to see them. When he beheld the tabernacles of the
saints prone on the ground, being filled with joy, he embraced and
kissed them all.

26. The ministers of slaughter straightway seized him as he was doing
this and led him to Firmilianus. Acting as was his custom, he condemned
him to a slow fire. Thereupon Julian, leaping and exulting, in a loud
voice gave thanks to the Lord who had judged him worthy of such things,
and was honored with the crown of martyrdom.

27. He was a Cappadocian by birth, and in his manner of life he was
most circumspect, faithful and sincere, zealous in all other respects,
and animated by the Holy Spirit himself. Such was the company which was
thought worthy to enter into martyrdom with Pamphilus.

28. By the command of the impious governor their sacred and truly holy
bodies were kept as food for the wild beasts for four days and as many
nights. But since, strange to say, through the providential care of
God, nothing approached them,–neither beast of prey, nor bird, nor
dog,–they were taken up uninjured, and after suitable preparation were
buried in the customary manner.

29. When the report of what had been done to these men was spread in
all directions, Adrianus and Eubulus, having come from the so-called
country of Manganaea [2691] to Caesarea, to see the remaining
confessors, were also asked at the gate the reason for their coming;
and having acknowledged the truth, were brought to Firmilianus. But he,
as was his custom, without delay inflicted many tortures in their
sides, and condemned them to be devoured by wild beasts.

30. After two days, on the fifth of the month Dystrus, [2692] the third
before the Nones of March, which was regarded as the birthday of the
tutelary divinity of Caesarea, [2693] Adrianus was thrown to a lion,
and afterwards slain with the sword. But Eubulus, two days later, on
the Nones of March, that is, on the seventh of the month Dystrus, when
the judge had earnestly entreated him to enjoy by sacrificing that
which was considered freedom among them, preferring a glorious death
for religion to transitory life, was made like the other an offering to
wild beasts, and as the last of the martyrs in Caesarea, sealed the
list of athletes.

31. It is proper also to relate here, how in a short time the heavenly
Providence came upon the impious rulers, together with the tyrants
themselves. For that very Firmilianus, who had thus abused the martyrs
of Christ, after suffering with the others the severest punishment, was
put to death by the sword. Such were the martyrdoms which took place at
Caesarea during the entire period of the persecution.

[2680] On Pamphilus, see above, Bk. VII. chap. 32, note 40.

[2681] On Eusebius’ Life of Pamphilus, see above, p. 28 sq.

[2682] i.e. Jerusalem.

[2683] tes ‘Iamniton poleos. Jamna, or Jamnia, was a town of Judea,
lying west of Jerusalem, near the sea.

[2684] i.e. Feb. 19 (see the table on p. 403, below). We learn from
chap. 7, S:S:3-5, that Pamphilus was thrown into prison in the fifth
year of the persecution and as late as November of that year, i.e.
between November, 307, and April, 308. Since he had lain two whole
years in prison (according to S:5, above), the date referred to in the
present passage must be February of the year 310. The martyrdom of
Pamphilus is commonly, for aught I know to the contrary, uniformly put
in the year 309, as the seventh year of the persecution is nearly
synchronous with that year. But that the common date is a mistake is
plain enough from the present chapter.

[2685] proegoros, literally ”advocate,” or ”defender.”

[2686] Gal. iv. 26.

[2687] Heb. xii. 22. Upon Eusebius’ view of the authorship of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, see above, Bk. III. chap. 25, note 1.

[2688] The reference is still to the same slave of Pamphilus whose
tortures Eusebius has just been describing, as we learn from the Syriac
version, where the slave’s name is given at the beginning of the

[2689] I read peri auton with Zimmermann, Heinichen, Burton, and Migne.
The mss. all have peri autous, which can hardly have stood in the

[2690] The common mode of punishment inflicted on slaves.

[2691] Of the so-called country of Manganaia I know nothing. The Syriac
version reads Batanea, which was a district of country lying to the
northeast of Palestine, and it may be that Manganea was another name
for the same region.

[2692] i.e. March 5, 310.

[2693] It was the universal custom in ancient times for a city to have
its special tutelary divinity, to which it looked for protection and to
which it paid especial honor. The name of the Caesarean deity is
unknown to us.

Chapter XII.

1. I think it best to pass by all the other events which occurred in
the meantime: such as those which happened to the bishops of the
churches, when instead of shepherds of the rational [2694] flocks of
Christ, over which they presided in an unlawful manner, the divine
judgment, considering them worthy of such a charge, made them keepers
of camels, [2695] an irrational beast [2696] and very crooked in the
structure of its body, or condemned them to have the care of the
imperial horses;–and I pass by also the insults and disgraces and
tortures they endured from the imperial overseers and rulers on account
of the sacred vessels and treasures of the Church; and besides these
the lust of power on the part of many, the disorderly and unlawful
ordinations, and the schisms among the confessors themselves; also the
novelties which were zealously devised against the remnants of the
Church by the new and factious members, who added innovation after
innovation and forced them in unsparingly among the calamities of the
persecution, heaping misfortune upon misfortune. I judge it more
suitable to shun and avoid the account of these things, as I said at
the beginning. [2697] But such things as are sober and praiseworthy,
according to the sacred word,–”and if there be any virtue and praise,”
[2698] –I consider it most proper to tell and to record, and to
present to believing hearers in the history of the admirable martyrs.
And after this I think it best to crown the entire work with an account
of the peace which has appeared unto us from heaven.

[2694] logikon

[2695] ”It was a punishment among the Romans that freemen should be
condemned to take care of the emperor’s horses or camels, and to
perform other personal offices of that kind” (Valesius). For fuller
particulars, see Valesius’ note ad locum. In the Acts of St. Marcellus
(who was bishop of Rome) we are told that he was set by Maximian to
groom his horses in a church which the emperor had turned into a

[2696] alogou zoou.

[2697] Cf. Bk. VIII, chap. 2, S:S:2 and 3, and the note on that

[2698] Phil. iv. 8.

Chapter XIII.

1. The seventh year of our conflict was completed; and the hostile
measures which had continued into the eighth year were gradually and
quietly becoming less severe. A large number of confessors were
collected at the copper mines in Palestine, and were acting with
considerable boldness, so far as even to build places of worship. But
the ruler of the province, a cruel and wicked man, as his acts against
the martyrs showed, having come there and learned the state of affairs,
communicated it to the emperor, writing in accusation whatever he
thought best.

2. Thereupon, being appointed superintendent of the mines, he divided
the band of confessors as if by a royal decree, and sent some to dwell
in Cyprus and others in Lebanon, and he scattered others in different
parts of Palestine and ordered them to labor in various works.

3. And, selecting the four who seemed to him to be the leaders, he sent
them to the commander of the armies in that section. These were Peleus
and Nilus, [2699] Egyptian bishops, also a presbyter, [2700] and
Patermuthius, who was well known among them all for his zeal toward
all. The commander of the army demanded of them a denial of religion,
and not obtaining this, he condemned them to death by fire.

4. There were others there who had been allotted to dwell in a separate
place by themselves,–such of the confessors as on account of age or
mutilations, or for other bodily infirmities, had been released from
service. Silvanus, [2701] a bishop from Gaza, presided over them, and
set a worthy and genuine example of Christianity.

5. This man having from the first day of the persecution, and
throughout its entire continuance, been eminent for his confessions in
all sorts of conflicts, had been kept all that time that he might, so
to speak, set the final seal upon the whole conflict in Palestine.

6. There were with him many from Egypt, among whom was John, who
surpassed all in our time in the excellence of his memory. He had
formerly been deprived of his sight. Nevertheless, on account of his
eminence in confession he had with the others suffered the destruction
of his foot by cauterization. And although his sight had been destroyed
he was subjected to the same burning with fire, the executioners aiming
after everything that was merciless and pitiless and cruel and inhuman.

7. Since he was such a man, one would not be so much astonished at his
habits and his philosophic life, nor would he seem so wonderful for
them, as for the strength of his memory. For he had written whole books
of the Divine Scriptures, ”not in tables of stone” [2702] as the divine
apostle says, neither on skins of animals, nor on paper which moths and
time destroy, but truly ”in fleshy tables of the heart,” [2703] in a
transparent soul and most pure eye of the mind, so that whenever he
wished he could repeat, as if from a treasury of words, any portion of
the Scripture, whether in the law, or the prophets, or the historical
books, or the gospels, or the writings of the apostles.

8. I confess that I was astonished when I first saw the man as he was
standing in the midst of a large congregation and repeating portions of
the Divine Scripture. While I only heard his voice, I thought that,
according to the custom in the meetings, he was reading. But when I
came near and perceived what he was doing, and observed all the others
standing around him with sound eyes while he was using only the eyes of
his mind, and yet was speaking naturally like some prophet, and far
excelling those who were sound in body, it was impossible for me not to
glorify God and wonder. And I seemed to see in these deeds evident and
strong confirmation of the fact that true manhood consists not in
excellence of bodily appearance, but in the soul and understanding
alone. For he, with his body mutilated, manifested the superior
excellence of the power that was within him.

9. But as to those whom we have mentioned as abiding in a separate
place, and attending to their customary duties in fasting and prayer
and other exercises, God himself saw fit to give them a salutary issue
by extending his right hand in answer to them. The bitter foe, as they
were armed against him zealously through their prayers to God, could no
longer endure them, and determined to slay and destroy them from off
the earth because they troubled him.

10. And God permitted him to accomplish this, that he might not be
restrained from the wickedness he desired, and that at the same time
they might receive the prizes of their manifold conflicts. Therefore at
the command of the most accursed Maximinus, forty, lacking one, [2704]
were beheaded in one day.

11. These martyrdoms were accomplished in Palestine during eight
complete years; and of this description was the persecution in our
time. Beginning with the demolition of the churches, it increased
greatly as the rulers rose up from time to time against us. In these
assaults the multiform and various conflicts of those who wrestled in
behalf of religion produced an innumerable multitude of martyrs in
every province,–in the regions extending from Libya and throughout all
Egypt, and Syria, and from the East round about to the district of

12. But the countries beyond these, all Italy and Sicily and Gaul, and
the regions toward the setting sun, in Spain, Mauritania, and Africa,
suffered the war of persecution during less than two years, [2705] and
were deemed worthy of a speedier divine visitation and peace; the
heavenly Providence sparing the singleness of purpose and faith of
those men.

13. For what had never before been recorded in the annals of the Roman
government, first took place in our day, contrary to all expectation;
for during the persecution in our time the empire was divided into two
parts. [2706] The brethren dwelling in the part of which we have just
spoken enjoyed peace; but those in the other part endured trials
without number.

14. But when the divine grace kindly and compassionately manifested its
care for us too, then truly our rulers also, those very ones through
whom the wars against us had been formerly carried on, changed their
minds in a most wonderful manner, and published a recantation; [2707]
and by favorable edicts and mild decrees concerning us, extinguished
the conflagration against us. This recantation also must be recorded.

The End of the Book of Eusebius Pamphili concerning those who suffered
Martyrdom in Palestine. [2709]

[2699] On Peleus and Nilus, see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 13, note 8.
Paleus is called Paul in the Syriac version.

[2700] The name of this man is given as Elias in the Syriac version;
but both he and Patermuthius are called laymen.

[2701] On Silvanus, bishop of Gaza, see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 13, note

[2702] 2 Cor. iii. 3.

[2703] Ibid.

[2704] The Syriac version says forty.

[2705] On the cessation of the persecution in the West at the accession
of Maxentius, see Bk. VIII. chap. 14, note 1.

[2706] On the division of the empire to which Eusebius here refers, see
above, Bk. VIII. chap. 13, note 17.

[2707] i.e. the toleration edict of Galerius, published in the spring
of 311. See above, Bk. VIII. chap. 17, note 1.

[2708] It would seem that the edict was originally appended to this
shorter recension of the martyrs (the longer recension is complete in
its present form, and contains no hint of such an addition). Very
likely it was dropped with the second half of the work (see above, p.
29) as unnecessary, when the first half was inserted in the History.
The edict is given in full in Bk. VIII. chap. 17, above.

[2709] peri ton en Palaistine marturesEURnton telos. On the title of
the work, see above, p. 342, note 1.