Book 10

Book X.

Chapter I.–The Peace granted us by God.

1. Thanks for all things be given unto God the Omnipotent Ruler and
King of the universe, and the greatest thanks to Jesus Christ the
Saviour and Redeemer of our souls, through whom we pray that peace may
be always preserved for us firm and undisturbed by external troubles
and by troubles of the mind.

2. Since in accordance with thy wishes, my most holy Paulinus, [2799]
we have added the tenth book of the Church History to those which have
preceded, [2800] we will inscribe it to thee, proclaiming thee as the
seal of the whole work; and we will fitly add in a perfect number the
perfect panegyric upon the restoration of the churches, [2801] obeying
the Divine Spirit which exhorts us in the following words:

3. ”Sing unto the Lord a new song, for he hath done marvelous things.
His right hand and his holy arm hath saved him. The Lord hath made
known his salvation, his righteousness hath he revealed in the presence
of the nations.” [2802]

4. And in accordance with the utterance which commands us to sing the
new song, let us proceed to show that, after those terrible and gloomy
spectacles which we have described, [2803] we are now permitted to see
and celebrate such things as many truly righteous men and martyrs of
God before us desired to see upon earth and did not see, and to hear
and did not hear. [2804]

5. But they, hastening on, obtained far better things, [2805] being
carried to heaven and the paradise of divine pleasure. But,
acknowledging that even these things are greater than we deserve, we
have been astonished at the grace manifested by the author of the great
gifts, and rightly do we admire him, worshiping him with the whole
power of our souls, and testifying to the truth of those recorded
utterances, in which it is said, ”Come and see the works of the Lord,
the wonders which he hath done upon the earth; he removeth wars to the
ends of the world, he shall break the bow and snap the spear in sunder,
and shall burn the shields with fire.” [2806]

6. Rejoicing in these things which have been clearly fulfilled in our
day, let us proceed with our account.

7. The whole race of God’s enemies was destroyed in the manner
indicated, [2807] and was thus suddenly swept from the sight of men. So
that again a divine utterance had its fulfillment: ”I have seen the
impious highly exalted and raising himself like the cedars of Lebanon
and I have passed by, and behold, he was not and I have sought his
place, and it could not be found.” [2808]

8. And finally a bright and splendid day, overshadowed by no cloud,
illuminated with beams of heavenly light the churches of Christ
throughout the entire world. And not even those without our communion
[2809] were prevented from sharing in the same blessings, or at least
from coming under their influence and enjoying a part of the benefits
bestowed upon us by God. [2810]
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[2799] Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, became afterward bishop of Antioch, as
we are told by Eusebius, Contra Marcellum, I. 4, and by Philostorgius,
H. E. III. 15. According to Jerome’s Chron, year of Abr. 2345, he was
the successor of Philogonius and the predecessor of Eustathius in the
episcopate of Antioch. He was still alive when Eusebius completed his
History, that is, at least as late as 323 (see above, p. 45), but he
was already dead when the Council of Nicaea met; for Eustathius was at
that time bishop of Antioch (see e.g. Sozomen, H. E. I. 17, Theodoret,
H. E. I. 7, and the Acts of the Council of Nicaea, ed. Labbei et
Cossartii, I. p. 51), and Zeno, bishop of Tyre (see the Acts of the
Nicene Council, ibid.). Philostorgius (ibid.) informs us that he became
bishop of Antioch but six months before his death, and there is no
reason to doubt the statement. Eusebius speaks of him in the highest
terms, both here and in his Contra Marcellum, and it was at the
dedication of his church in Tyre that he delivered the panegyric
oration quoted in chap. 4, below. He is claimed as a sympathizer by
Arius in his epistle to Eusebius of Nicomedia (Theodoret, H. E. I. 5),
and that he accepted Arius’ tenets is implied by Eusebius of Nicomedia,
who, however, feels obliged to admonish him for not showing greater
zeal in the support of the cause (see this epistle quoted by Theodoret,
H. E. I. 6). This is the extent of our information in regard to him.

[2800] On the date of the composition of the tenth book of the History,
and its relation to the earlier books, see above, p. 45.

[2801] eikotos d’ en arithmo telei& 251; ton teleion entautha kai
panegurikon tes ton ekklesion ananeoseos logon katatEURxomen. The
meaning of this sentence is very obscure. Valesius translates: Nec
absurde ut opinor, absolutam omnibus numeris orationem panegyricam de
ecclesiarum instauratione hic in perfecto numero collocabimus. Stroth,
followed by Closs, renders: ”Mit Recht werden wir hier auch eine
vollstaendige feierliche Rede, von der Wiedererneuerung der Kirchen,
als einen ordentlichen Theil miteinruecken.” Cruse reads: ”Justly,
indeed, shall we here subjoin in a perfect number a complete discourse
and panegyric on the renovation of the churches.” The ”perfect number”
seems to refer to the number of the book (the number ten being commonly
so called in ancient times), to which he has referred in the previous
clause. Could we regard the ”perfect panegyric” as referring to the
book as a whole, as Cruse does, the sentence would be somewhat clearer;
but the phrase seems to be a plain reference to the oration given in
chap. 4, especially since Eusebius does not say tes ekklesias, but ton
ekklesi& 242;n, as in the title of that oration. I have preserved the
play of words, telei& 251;–teleion, in order to bring out Eusebius’
thought more clearly, but it must be remarked that the word teleion
does not imply praise of the quality of his oration on the author’s
part. It is used rather in the sense of complete or final, because it
celebrates a completed work, as the tenth book completes his History,
and thus crowns the whole.

[2802] Psa. xcviii. 1, 2.

[2803] Literally, ”spectacles and narratives” (opseis te kai
diegeseis).

[2804] Cf. Matt. xiii. 17.

[2805] Cf. Phil. i. 23

[2806] Psa. xlvi. 8, 9.

[2807] See chaps. 10 and 11 of the preceding book.

[2808] Psa. xxxvii. 35, 36.

[2809] tois zxothen tou kath’ hemas thiEURsou.

[2810] By the edict of Constantine and Licinius full religious liberty
was granted, not only to the Christians, but to all men of whatever
creed or cult.
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Chapter II.–The Restoration of the Churches.

1. All men, then, were freed from the oppression of the tyrants, and
being released from the former ills, one in one way and another in
another acknowledged the defender of the pious to be the only true God.
And we especially who placed our hopes in the Christ of God had
unspeakable gladness, and a certain inspired joy bloomed for all of us,
when we saw every place which shortly before had been desolated by the
impieties of the tyrants reviving as if from a long and death-fraught
pestilence, and temples again rising from their foundations to an
immense height, and receiving a splendor far greater than that of the
old ones which had been destroyed.

2. But the supreme rulers also confirmed to us still more extensively
the munificence of God by repeated ordinances in behalf of the
Christians; and personal letters of the emperor were sent to the
bishops, with honors and gifts of money. It may not be unfitting to
insert these documents, translated from the Roman into the Greek
tongue, at the proper place in this book, [2811] as in a sacred tablet,
that they may remain as a memorial to all who shall come after us.
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[2811] See below, chaps. 5-7.
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Chapter III.–The Dedications in Every Place.

1. After this was seen the sight which had been desired and prayed for
by us all; feasts of dedication in the cities and consecrations of the
newly built houses of prayer took place, bishops assembled, foreigners
came together from abroad, mutual love was exhibited between people and
people, the members of Christ’s body were united in complete harmony.

2. Then was fulfilled the prophetic utterance which mystically foretold
what was to take place: ”Bone to bone and joint to joint,” [2812] and
whatever was truly announced in enigmatic expressions in the inspired
passage.

3. And there was one energy of the Divine Spirit pervading all the
members, and one soul in all, and the same eagerness of faith, and one
hymn from all in praise of the Deity. Yea, and perfect services were
conducted by the prelates, the sacred rites being solemnized, and the
majestic institutions of the Church observed, [2813] here with the
singing of psalms and with the reading of the words committed to us by
God, and there with the performance of divine and mystic services; and
the mysterious symbols of the Saviour’s passion were dispensed.

4. At the same time people of every age, both male and female, with all
the power of the mind gave honor unto God, the author of their
benefits, in prayers and thanksgiving, with a joyful mind and soul. And
every one of the bishops present, each to the best of his ability,
delivered panegyric orations, adding luster to the assembly.
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[2812] Ezek. xxxvii. 7.

[2813] These sentences are excellent examples of Eusebius’ rhetorical
style, which marks the greater part of this tenth book. My endeavor has
been to adhere as closely as possible to the original; and yet there
are cases in which it is quite out of the question to give a literal
translation without violating all grammatical laws, and in which the
sense can be reproduced only by paraphrasing. The present sentence runs
nai men kai ton proegoumenon enteleis threskeiai, hierourgiai te ton
hieromenon, kai theoprepeis ekklesias thesmoi.
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Chapter IV.–Panegyric on the Splendor of Affairs.

1. A certain one of those of moderate talent, [2814] who had composed a
discourse, stepped forward in the presence of many pastors who were
assembled as if for a church gathering, and while they attended quietly
and decently, he addressed himself as follows to one who was in all
things a most excellent bishop and beloved of God, [2815] through whose
zeal the temple in Tyre, which was the most splendid in Phoenicia, had
been erected.

Panegyric upon the building of the churches, addressed to Paulinus,
Bishop of Tyre.

2. ”Friends and priests of God who are clothed in the sacred gown and
adorned with the heavenly crown of glory, the inspired unction and the
sacerdotal garment of the Holy Spirit; and thou, [2816] oh pride of
God’s new holy temple, endowed by him with the wisdom of age, and yet
exhibiting costly works and deeds of youthful and flourishing virtue,
to whom God himself, who embraces the entire world, has granted the
distinguished honor of building and renewing this earthly house to
Christ, his only begotten and first-born Word, and to his holy and
divine bride; [2817] —

3. one might call thee a new Beseleel, [2818] the architect of a divine
tabernacle, or Solomon, king of a new and much better Jerusalem, or
also a new Zerubabel, who added a much greater glory than the former to
the temple of God; [2819] —

4. and you also, oh nurslings of the sacred flock of Christ, habitation
of good words, school of wisdom, and august and pious auditory of
religion: [2820]

5. It was long ago permitted us to raise hymns and songs to God, when
we learned from hearing the Divine Scriptures read the marvelous signs
of God and the benefits conferred upon men by the Lord’s wondrous
deeds, being taught to say `Oh God! we have heard with our ears, our
fathers have told us the work which thou didst in their days, in days
of old.’ [2821]

6. But now as we no longer perceive the lofty arm [2822] and the
celestial right hand of our all-gracious God and universal King by
hearsay merely or report, but observe so to speak in very deed and with
our own eyes that the declarations recorded long ago are faithful and
true, it is permitted us to raise a second hymn of triumph and to sing
with loud voice, and say, `As we have heard, so have we seen; in the
city of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our God.’ [2823]

7. And in what city but in this newly built and God-constructed one,
which is a `church of the living God, a pillar and foundation of the
truth,’ [2824] concerning which also another divine oracle thus
proclaims, `Glorious things have been spoken of thee, oh city of God.’
[2825] Since the all-gracious God has brought us together to it,
through the grace of his Only-Begotten, let every one of those who have
been summoned sing with loud voice and say, `I was glad when they said
unto me, we shall go unto the house of the Lord,’ [2826] and `Lord, I
have loved the beauty of thy house and the place where thy glory
dwelleth.’ [2827]

8. And let us not only one by one, but all together, with one spirit
and one soul, honor him and cry aloud, saying, `Great is the Lord and
greatly to be praised in the city of our God, in his holy mountain.’
[2828] For he is truly great, and great is his house, lofty and
spacious and `comely in beauty above the sons of men.’ [2829] `Great is
the Lord who alone doeth wonderful things’; [2830] `great is he who
doeth great things and things past finding out, glorious and marvelous
things which cannot be numbered’; [2831] great is he `who changeth
times and seasons, who exalteth and debaseth kings’; [2832] `who
raiseth up the poor from the earth and lifteth up the needy from the
dunghill.’ [2833] `He hath put down princes from their thrones and hath
exalted them of low degree from the earth. The hungry he hath filled
with good things and the arms of the proud he hath broken.’ [2834]

9. Not only to the faithful, but also to unbelievers, has he confirmed
the record of ancient events; he that worketh miracles, he that doeth
great things, the Master of all, the Creator of the whole world, the
omnipotent, the all-merciful, the one and only God. To him let us sing
the new song, [2835] supplying in thought, [2836] `To him who alone
doeth great wonders: for his mercy endureth forever’; [2837] `To him
which smote great kings, and slew famous kings: for his mercy endureth
forever’; [2838] `For the Lord remembered us in our low estate and
delivered us from our adversaries.’ [2839]

10. And let us never cease to cry aloud in these words to the Father of
the universe. And let us always honor him with our mouth who is the
second cause of our benefits, the instructor in divine knowledge, the
teacher of the true religion, the destroyer of the impious, the slayer
of tyrants, the reformer of life, Jesus, the Saviour of us who were in
despair.

11. For he alone, as the only all-gracious Son of an all-gracious
Father, in accordance with the purpose of his Father’s benevolence, has
willingly put on the nature of us who lay prostrate in corruption, and
like some excellent physician, who for the sake of saving them that are
ill, examines their sufferings, handles their foul sores, and reaps
pain for himself from the miseries of another, [2840] so us who were
not only diseased and afflicted with terrible ulcers and wounds already
mortified, but were even lying among the dead, he hath saved for
himself from the very jaws of death. For none other of those in heaven
had such power as without harm [2841] to minister to the salvation of
so many.

12. But he alone having reached our deep corruption, he alone having
taken upon himself our labors, he alone having suffered the punishments
due for our impieties, having recovered us who were not half dead
merely, but were already in tombs and sepulchers, and altogether foul
and offensive, saves us, both anciently and now, by his beneficent
zeal, beyond the expectation of any one, even of ourselves, and imparts
liberally of the Father’s benefits,–he who is the giver of life and
light, our great Physician and King and Lord, the Christ of God.

13. For then when the whole human race lay buried in gloomy night and
in depths of darkness through the deceitful arts of guilty demons and
the power of God-hating spirits, by his simple appearing he loosed once
for all the fast-bound cords of our impieties by the rays of his light,
even as wax is melted.

14. But when malignant envy and the evil-loving demon well-nigh burst
with anger at such grace and kindness, and turned against us all his
death-dealing forces, and when, at first, like a dog gone mad which
gnashes his teeth at the stones thrown at him, and pours out his rage
against his assailants upon the inanimate missiles, he leveled his
ferocious madness at the stones of the sanctuaries and at the lifeless
material of the houses, and desolated the churches,–at least as he
supposed,–and then emitted terrible hissings and snake-like sounds,
now by the threats of impious tyrants, and again by the blasphemous
edicts of profane rulers, vomiting forth death, moreover, and infecting
with his deleterious and soul-destroying poisons the souls captured by
him, and almost slaying them by his death-fraught sacrifices of dead
idols, and causing every beast in the form of man and every kind of
savage to assault us–then, indeed, the `Angel of the great Council,’
[2842] the great Captain [2843] of God after the mightiest soldiers of
his kingdom had displayed sufficient exercise through patience and
endurance in everything, suddenly appeared anew, and blotted out and
annihilated his enemies and foes, so that they seemed never to have had
even a name.

15. But his friends and relatives he raised to the highest glory, in
the presence not only of all men, but also of celestial powers, of sun
and moon and stars, and of the whole heaven and earth, so that now, as
has never happened before, the supreme rulers, conscious of the honor
which they have received from him, spit upon the faces of dead idols,
trample upon the unhallowed rites of demons, make sport of the ancient
delusion handed down from their fathers, and acknowledge only one God,
the common benefactor of all, themselves included.

16. And they confess Christ, the Son of God, universal King of all, and
proclaim him Saviour on monuments, [2844] imperishably recording in
imperial letters, in the midst of the city which rules over the earth,
his righteous deeds and his victories over the impious. Thus Jesus
Christ our Saviour is the only one from all eternity who has been
acknowledged, even by those highest in the earth, not as a common king
among men, but as a trite son of the universal God, and who has been
worshiped as very God, [2845] and that rightly.

17. For what king that ever lived attained such virtue as to fill the
ears and tongues of all men upon earth with his own name? What king,
after ordaining such pious and wise laws, has extended them from one
end of the earth to the other, so that they are perpetually read in the
hearing of all men?

18. Who has abrogated barbarous and savage customs of uncivilized
nations by his gentle and most philanthropic laws? Who, being attacked
for entire ages by all, has shown such superhuman virtue as to flourish
daily, and remain young throughout his life?

19. Who has founded a nation which of old was not even heard of, but
which now is not concealed in some corner of the earth, but is spread
abroad everywhere under the sun? Who has so fortified his soldiers with
the arms of piety that their souls, being firmer than adamant, shine
brilliantly in the contests with their opponents?

20. What king prevails to such an extent, and even after death leads on
his soldiers, and sets up trophies over his enemies, and fills every
place, country and city, Greek and barbarian, with his royal dwellings,
even divine temples with their consecrated oblations, like this very
temple with its superb adornments and votive offerings, which are
themselves so truly great and majestic, worthy of wonder and
admiration, and clear signs of the sovereignty of our Saviour? For now,
too, `he spake, and they were made; he commanded, and they were
created.’ [2846] For what was there to resist the nod of the universal
King and Governor and Word of God himself? [2847]

21. ”A special discourse would be needed accurately to survey and
explain all this; and also to describe how great the zeal of the
laborers is regarded by him who is celebrated as divine, [2848] who
looks upon the living temple which we all constitute, and surveys the
house, composed of living and moving stones, which is well and surely
built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, the chief
cornerstone being Jesus Christ himself, who has been rejected not only
by the builders of that ancient building which no longer stands, but
also by the builders–evil architects of evil works–of the structure,
which is composed of the mass of men and still endures. [2849] But the
Father has approved him both then and now, and has made him the head of
the corner of this our common church.

22. Who that beholds this living temple of the living God formed of
ourselves–this greatest and truly divine sanctuary, I say, whose
inmost shrines are invisible to the multitude and are truly holy and a
holy of holies–would venture to declare it? Who is able even to look
within the sacred enclosure, except the great High Priest of all, to
whom alone it is permitted to fathom the mysteries of every rational
soul?

23. But perhaps it is granted to another, to one only, to be second
after him in the same work, namely, to the commander of this army whom
the first and great High Priest himself has honored with the second
place in this sanctuary, the shepherd of your divine flock who has
obtained your people by the allotment and the judgment of the Father,
as if he had appointed him his own servant and interpreter, a new Aaron
or Melchizedec, made like the Son of God, remaining and continually
preserved by him in accordance with the united prayers of all of you.

24. To him therefore alone let it be granted, if not in the first
place, at least in the second after the first and greatest High Priest,
to observe and supervise the inmost state of your souls,–to him who by
experience and length of time has accurately proved each one, and who
by his zeal and care has disposed you all in pious conduct and
doctrine, and is better able than any one else to give an account,
adequate to the facts, of those things which he himself has
accomplished with the Divine assistance.

25. As to our first and great High Priest, it is said, [2850]
`Whatsoever he seeth the Father doing those things likewise the Son
also doeth.’ [2851] So also this one, [2852] looking up to him as to
the first teacher, with pure eyes of the mind, using as archetypes
whatsoever things he seeth him doing, produceth images of them, making
them so far as is possible in the same likeness, in nothing inferior to
that Beseleel, whom God himself `filled with the spirit of wisdom and
understanding’ [2853] and with other technical and scientific
knowledge, and called to be the maker of the temple constructed after
heavenly types given in symbols.

26. Thus this one also bearing in his own soul the image of the whole
Christ, the Word, the Wisdom, the Light, has formed this magnificent
temple of the highest God, corresponding to the pattern of the greater
as a visible to an invisible, it is impossible to say with what
greatness of soul, with what wealth and liberality of mind, and with
what emulation on the part of all of you, shown in the magnanimity of
the contributors who have ambitiously striven in no way to be left
behind by him in the execution of the same purpose. And this
place,–for this deserves to be mentioned first of all,–which had been
covered with all sorts of rubbish by the artifices of our enemies he
did not overlook, nor did he yield to the wickedness of those who had
brought about that condition of things, although he might have chosen
some other place, for many other sites were available in the city,
where he would have had less labor, and been free from trouble.

27. But having first aroused himself to the work, and then strengthened
the whole people with zeal, and formed them all into one great body, he
fought the first contest. For he thought that this church, which had
been especially besieged by the enemy, which had first suffered and
endured the same persecutions with us and for us, like a mother bereft
of her children, should rejoice with us in the signal favor of the
all-merciful God.

28. For when the Great Shepherd had driven away the wild animals and
wolves and every cruel and savage beast, and, as the divine oracles
say, `had broken the jaws of the lions,’ [2854] he thought good to
collect again her children in the same place, and in the most righteous
manner he set up the fold of her flock, `to put to shame the enemy and
avenger,’ [2855] and to refute the impious daring of the enemies of
God. [2856]

29. And now they are not,–the haters of God,–for they never were.
After they had troubled and been troubled for a little time, they
suffered the fitting punishment, and brought themselves and their
friends and their relatives to total destruction, so that the
declarations inscribed of old in sacred records have been proved true
by facts. In these declarations the divine word truly says among other
things the following concerning them:

30. `The wicked have drawn out the sword, they have bent their bow, to
slay the righteous in heart; let their sword enter into their own heart
and their bows be broken.’ [2857] And again: `Their memorial is
perished with a sound’ [2858] and `their name hast thou blotted out
forever and ever’; [2859] for when they also were in trouble they
`cried out and there was none to save: unto the Lord, and he heard them
not.’ [2860] But `their feet were bound together, and they fell, but we
have arisen and stand upright.’ [2861] And that which was announced
beforehand in these words,–`O Lord, in thy city thou shalt set at
naught their image,’ [2862] –has been shown to be true to the eyes of
all.

31. But having waged war like the giants against God, [2863] they died
in this way. But she that was desolate and rejected by men received the
consummation which we behold in consequence of her patience toward God,
so that the prophecy of Isaiah was spoken of her:

32. `Rejoice, thirsty desert, let the desert rejoice and blossom as the
lily, and the desert places shall blossom and be glad.’ [2864] `Be
strengthened, ye weak hands and feeble knees. Be of good courage, ye
feeble-hearted, in your minds; be strong, fear not. Behold our God
recompenseth judgment and will recompense, he will come and save us.’
[2865] `For,’ he says, `in the wilderness water has broken out, and a
pool in thirsty ground, and the dry land shall be watered meadows, and
in the thirsty ground there shall be springs of water.’ [2866]

33. These things which were prophesied long ago have been recorded in
sacred books; but no longer are they transmitted to us by hearsay
merely, but in facts. This desert, this dry land, this widowed and
deserted one, `whose gates they cut down with axes like wood in a
forest, whom they broke down with hatchet and hammer,’ [2867] whose
books also they destroyed, [2868] `burning with fire the sanctuary of
God, and profaning unto the ground the habitation of his name,’ [2869]
`whom all that passed by upon the way plucked, and whose fences they
broke down, whom the boar out of the wood ravaged, and on which the
savage wild beast fed,’ [2870] now by the wonderful power of Christ,
when he wills it, has become like a lily. For at that time also she was
chastened at his nod as by a careful father; `for whom the Lord loveth
he chasteneth, and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth.’ [2871]

34. Then after being chastened in a measure, according to the
necessities of the case, she is commanded to rejoice anew; and she
blossoms as a lily and exhales her divine odor among all men. `For,’ it
is said, `water hath broken out in the wilderness,’ [2872] the fountain
of the saving bath of divine regeneration. [2873] And now she, who a
little before was a desert, `has become watered meadows, and springs of
water have gushed forth in a thirsty land.’ [2874] The hands which
before were `weak’ have become `truly strong’; [2875] and these works
are great and convincing proofs of strong hands. The knees, also, which
before were `feeble and infirm,’ recovering their wonted strength, are
moving straight forward in the path of divine knowledge, and hastening
to the kindred flock [2876] of the all-gracious Shepherd.

35. And if there are any whose souls have been stupefied by the threats
of the tyrants, not even they are passed by as incurable by the saving
Word; but he heals them also and urges them on to receive divine
comfort, saying, `Be ye comforted, ye who are faint-hearted; be ye
strengthened, fear not.’ [2877]

36. This our new and excellent Zerubabel, having heard the word which
announced beforehand, that she who had been made a desert on account of
God should enjoy these things, after the bitter captivity and the
abomination of desolation, did not overlook the dead body; but first of
all with prayers and supplications propitiated the Father with the
common consent of all of you, and invoking the only one that giveth
life to the dead as his ally and fellow-worker, raised her that was
fallen, after purifying and freeing her from her ills. And he clothed
her not with the ancient garment, but with such an one as he had again
learned from the sacred oracles, which say clearly, `And the latter
glory of this house shall be greater than the former.’ [2878]

37. Thus, enclosing a much larger space, he fortified the outer court
with a wall surrounding the whole, which should serve as a most secure
bulwark for the entire edifice. [2879]

38. And he raised and spread out a great and lofty vestibule toward the
rays of the rising sun, [2880] and furnished those standing far without
the sacred enclosure a full view of those within, almost turning the
eyes of those who were strangers to the faith, to the entrances, so
that no one could pass by without being impressed by the memory of the
former desolation and of the present incredible transformation. His
hope was that such an one being impressed by this might be attracted
and be induced to enter by the very sight.

39. But when one comes within the gates he does not permit him to enter
the sanctuary immediately, with impure and unwashed feet; but leaving
as large a space as possible between the temple and the outer entrance,
he has surrounded and adorned it with four transverse cloisters, making
a quadrangular space with pillars rising on every side, which he has
joined with lattice-work screens of wood, rising to a suitable height;
and he has left an open space [2881] in the middle, so that the sky can
be seen, and the free air bright in the rays of the sun.

40. Here he has placed symbols of sacred purifications, setting up
fountains opposite the temple which furnish an abundance of water
wherewith those who come within the sanctuary may purify themselves.
This is the first halting-place of those who enter; and it furnishes at
the same time a beautiful and splendid scene to every one, and to those
who still need elementary instruction a fitting station.

41. But passing by this spectacle, he has made open entrances to the
temple with many other vestibules within, placing three doors on one
side, likewise facing the rays of the sun. The one in the middle,
adorned with plates of bronze, iron bound, and beautifully embossed, he
has made much higher and broader than the others, as if he were making
them guards for it as for a queen.

42. In the same way, arranging the number of vestibules for the
corridors on each side of the whole temple, he has made above them
various openings into the building, for the purpose of admitting more
light, adorning them with very fine wood-carving. But the royal house
he has furnished with more beautiful and splendid materials, using
unstinted liberality in his disbursements.

43. It seems to me superfluous to describe here in detail the length
and breadth of the building, its splendor and its majesty surpassing
description, and the brilliant appearance of the work, its lofty
pinnacles reaching to the heavens, and the costly cedars of Lebanon
above them, which the divine oracle has not omitted to mention, saying,
`The trees of the Lord shall rejoice and the cedars of Lebanon which he
hath planted.’ [2882]

44. Why need I now describe the skillful architectural arrangement and
the surpassing beauty of each part, when the testimony of the eye
renders instruction through the ear superfluous? For when he had thus
completed the temple, he provided it with lofty thrones in honor of
those who preside, and in addition with seats arranged in proper order
throughout the whole building, and finally placed in the middle [2883]
the holy of holies, the altar, and, that it might be inaccessible to
the multitude, enclosed it with wooden lattice-work, accurately wrought
with artistic carving, presenting a wonderful sight to the beholders.

45. And not even the pavement was neglected by him; for this too he
adorned with beautiful marble of every variety. Then finally he passed
on to the parts without the temple, providing spacious exedrae and
buildings [2884] on each side, which were joined to the basilica, and
communicated with the entrances to the interior of the structure. These
were erected by our most peaceful [2885] Solomon, the maker of the
temple of God, for those who still needed purification and sprinkling
by water and the Holy Spirit, so that the prophecy quoted above is no
longer a word merely, but a fact; for now it has also come to pass that
in truth `the latter glory of this house is greater than the former.’
[2886]

46. For it was necessary and fitting that as her shepherd and Lord had
once tasted death for her, and after his suffering had changed that
vile body which he assumed in her behalf into a splendid and glorious
body, leading the very flesh which had been delivered [2887] from
corruption to incorruption, she too should enjoy the dispensations of
the Saviour. For having received from him the promise of much greater
things than these, she desires to share uninterruptedly throughout
eternity with the choir of the angels of light, in the far greater
glory of regeneration, [2888] in the resurrection of an incorruptible
body, in the palace of God beyond the heavens, with Christ Jesus
himself, the universal Benefactor and Saviour.

47. But for the present, she that was formerly widowed and desolate is
clothed by the grace of God with these flowers, and is become truly
like a lily, as the prophecy says, [2889] and having received the
bridal garment and the crown of beauty, she is taught by Isaiah to
dance, and to present her thank-offerings unto God the King in reverent
words.

48. Let us hear her saying, `My soul shall rejoice in the Lord; for he
hath clothed me with a garment of salvation and with a robe of
gladness; he hath bedecked me like a bridegroom with a garland, and he
hath adorned me like a bride with jewels; and like the earth which
bringeth forth her bud, and like a garden which causeth the things that
are sown in it to spring forth, thus the Lord God hath caused
righteousness and praise to spring forth before all the nations.’
[2890]

49. In these words she exults. And in similar words the heavenly
bridegroom, the Word Jesus Christ himself, answers her. Hear the Lord
saying, `Fear not because thou hast been put to shame, neither be thou
confounded because thou hast been rebuked; for thou shalt forget the
former shame, and the reproach of thy widowhood shalt thou remember no
more.’ [2891] `Not [2892] as a woman deserted and faint-hearted hath
the Lord called thee, nor as a woman hated from her youth, saith thy
God. For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but with great mercy will
I have mercy upon thee; in a little wrath I hid my face from thee, but
with everlasting mercy will I have mercy upon thee, saith the Lord that
hath redeemed thee.’ [2893]

50. `Awake, awake, thou who hast drunk at the hand of the Lord the cup
of his fury; for thou hast drunk the cup of ruin, the vessel of my
wrath, and hast drained it. And there was none to console thee of all
thy sons whom thou didst bring forth, and there was none to take thee
by the hand.’ [2894] `Behold, I have taken out of thine hand the cup of
ruin, the vessel of my fury, and thou shalt no longer drink it. And I
will put it into the hands of them that have treated thee unjustly and
have humbled thee.’ [2895]

51. `Awake, awake, put on thy strength, put on thy glory. Shake off the
dust and arise. Sit thee down, loose the bands of thy neck.’ [2896]
`Lift up thine eyes round about and behold thy children gathered
together; behold they are gathered together and are come to thee. As I
live, saith the Lord, thou shalt clothe thee with them all as with an
ornament, and gird thyself with them as with the ornaments of a bride.
For thy waste and corrupted and ruined places shall now be too narrow
by reason of those that inhabit thee, and they that swallow thee up
shall be far from thee.

52. For thy sons whom thou hast lost shall say in thine ears, The place
is too narrow for me, give place to me that I may dwell. Then shalt
thou say in thine heart, Who hath begotten me these? I am childless and
a widow, and who hath brought up these for me? I was left alone, and
these, where were they for me?’ [2897]

53. ”These are the things which Isaiah foretold; and which were
anciently recorded concerning us in sacred books and it was necessary
that we should sometime learn their truthfulness by their fulfillment.

54. For when the bridegroom, the Word, addressed such language to his
own bride, the sacred and holy Church, this bridesman, [2898] –when
she was desolate and lying like a corpse, bereft of hope in the eyes of
men,–in accordance with the united prayers of all of you, as was
proper, stretched out your hands and aroused and raised her up at the
command of God, the universal King, and at the manifestation of the
power of Jesus Christ; and having raised her he established her as he
had learned from the description given in the sacred oracles.

55. This is indeed a very great wonder, passing all admiration,
especially to those who attend only to the outward appearance; but more
wonderful than wonders are the archetypes and their mental prototypes
and divine models; I mean the reproductions of the inspired and
rational building in our souls.

56. This the Divine Son himself created after his own image, imparting
to it everywhere and in all respects the likeness of God, an
incorruptible nature, incorporeal, rational, free from all earthly
matter, a being endowed with its own intelligence; and when he had once
called her forth from non-existence into existence, he made her a holy
spouse, an all-sacred temple for himself and for the Father. This also
he clearly declares and confesses in the following words: `I will dwell
in them and will walk in them; and I will be their God, and they shall
be my people.’ [2899] Such is the perfect and purified soul, so made
from the beginning as to bear the image of the celestial Word.

57. But when by the envy and zeal of the malignant demon she became, of
her own voluntary choice, sensual and a lover of evil, the Deity left
her; and as if bereft of a protector, she became an easy prey and
readily accessible to those who had long envied her; and being assailed
by the batteries and machines of her invisible enemies and spiritual
foes, she suffered a terrible fall, so that not one stone of virtue
remained upon another in her, but she lay completely dead upon the
ground, entirely divested of her natural ideas of God.

58. ”But as she, who had been made in the image of God, thus lay
prostrate, it was not that wild boar from the forest which we see that
despoiled her, but a certain destroying demon and spiritual wild beasts
who deceived her with their passions as with the fiery darts of their
own wickedness, and burned the truly divine sanctuary of God with fire,
and profaned to the ground the tabernacle of his name. Then burying the
miserable one with heaps of earth, they destroyed every hope of
deliverance.

59. But that divinely bright and saving Word, her protector, after she
had suffered the merited punishment for her sins, again restored her,
securing the favor of the all-merciful Father.

60. Having won over first the souls of the highest rulers, he purified,
through the agency of those most divinely favored princes, the whole
earth from all the impious destroyers, and from the terrible and
God-hating tyrants themselves. Then bringing out into the light those
who were his friends, who had long before been consecrated to him for
life, but in the midst, as it were, of a storm of evils, had been
concealed under his shelter, he honored them worthily with the great
gifts of the Spirit. And again, by means of them, he cleared out and
cleaned with spades and mattocks–the admonitory words of doctrine
[2900] –the souls which a little while before had been covered with
filth and burdened with every kind of matter and rubbish of impious
ordinances.

61. And when he had made the ground of all your minds clean and clear,
he finally committed it to this all-wise and God-beloved Ruler, who,
being endowed with judgment and prudence, as well as with other gifts,
and being able to examine and discriminate accurately the minds of
those committed to his charge, from the first day, so to speak, down to
the present, has not ceased to build.

62. Now he has supplied the brilliant gold, again the refined and
unalloyed silver, and the precious and costly stones in all of you, so
that again is fulfilled for you in facts a sacred and mystic prophecy,
which says, `Behold I make thy stone a carbuncle, and thy foundations
of sapphire, and thy battlements of jasper, and thy gates of crystals,
and thy wall of chosen stones; and all thy sons shall be taught of God,
and thy children shall enjoy complete peace; and in righteousness shalt
thou be built.’ [2901]

63. Building therefore in righteousness, he divided the whole people
according to their strength. With some he fortified only the outer
enclosure, walling it up with unfeigned faith; such were the great mass
of the people who were incapable of bearing a greater structure. Others
he permitted to enter the building, commanding them to stand at the
door and act as guides for those who should come in; these may be not
unfitly compared to the vestibules of the temple. Others he supported
by the first pillars which are placed without about the quadrangular
hall, initiating them into the first elements of the letter of the four
Gospels. Still others he joined together about the basilica on both
sides; these are the catechumens who are still advancing and
progressing, and are not far separated from the inmost view of divine
things granted to the faithful.

64. Taking from among these the pure souls that have been cleansed like
gold by divine washing, [2902] he then supports them by pillars, much
better than those without, made from the inner and mystic teachings of
the Scripture, and illumines them [2903] by windows.

65. Adorning the whole temple with a great vestibule of the glory of
the one universal King and only God, and placing on either side of the
authority of the Father Christ, and the Holy Spirit as second lights,
he exhibits abundantly and gloriously throughout the entire building
the clearness and splendor of the truth of the rest in all its details.
And having selected from every quarter the living and moving and
well-prepared stones of the souls, he constructs out of them all the
great and royal house, splendid and full of light both within and
without; for not only soul and understanding, but their body also is
made glorious by the blooming ornament of purity and modesty.

66. And in this temple there are also thrones, and a great number of
seats and benches, in all those souls in which sit the Holy Spirit’s
gifts, such as were anciently seen by the sacred apostles, and those
who were with them, when there `appeared unto them tongues parting
asunder, like as of fire, and sat upon each one of them.’ [2904]

67. But in the leader of all it is reasonable to suppose [2905] that
Christ himself dwells in his fullness, [2906] and in those that occupy
the second rank after him, in proportion as each is able to contain the
power of Christ and of the Holy Spirit. [2907] And the souls of some of
those, namely, who are committed to each of them for instruction and
care–may be seats for angels.

68. But the great and august and unique altar, what else could this be
than the pure holy of holies of the soul of the common priest of all?
Standing at the right of it, Jesus himself, the great High Priest of
the universe, the Only Begotten of God, receives with bright eye and
extended hand the sweet incense from all, and the bloodless and
immaterial sacrifices offered in their prayers, and bears them to the
heavenly Father and God of the universe. And he himself first worships
him, and alone gives to the Father the reverence which is his due,
beseeching him also to continue always kind and propitious to us all.

69. ”Such is the great temple which the great Creator of the universe,
the Word, has built throughout the entire world, making it an
intellectual image upon earth of those things which lie above the vault
of heaven, so that throughout the whole creation, including rational
beings on earth, his Father might be honored and adored.

70. But the region above the heavens, with the models of earthly things
which are there, and the so-called Jerusalem above, [2908] and the
heavenly Mount of Zion, and the supramundane city of the living God, in
which innumerable choirs of angels and the Church of the first born,
whose names are written in heaven, [2909] praise their Maker and the
Supreme Ruler of the universe with hymns of praise unutterable and
incomprehensible to us,–who that is mortal is able worthily to
celebrate this? `For eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have
entered into the heart of men those things which God hath prepared for
them that love him.’ [2910]

71. Since we, men, children, and women, small and great, are already in
part partakers of these things, let us not cease all together, with one
spirit and one soul, to confess and praise the author of such great
benefits to us, `Who forgiveth all our iniquities, who healeth all our
diseases, who redeemeth our life from destruction, who crowneth us with
mercy and compassion, who satisfieth our desires with good things.’
[2911] `For he hath not dealt with us according to our sins, nor
rewarded us according to our iniquities;’ [2912] `for as far as the
east is from the west, so far hath he removed our iniquities from us.
Like as a father pitieth his own children, so the Lord pitieth them
that fear him.’ [2913]

72. Rekindling these thoughts in our memories, both now and during all
time to come, and contemplating in our mind night and day, in every
hour and with every breath, so to speak, the Author and Ruler of the
present festival, and of this bright and most splendid day, let us love
and adore him with every power of the soul. And now rising, let us
beseech him with loud voice to shelter and preserve us to the end in
his fold, granting his unbroken and unshaken peace forever, in Christ
Jesus our Saviour; through whom be the glory unto him forever and ever.
[2914] Amen.”
__________________________________________________________________

[2814] This person was clearly Eusebius himself (see above, p. 11).
Upon the date of this dedicatory service, at which Eusebius delivered
the oration given in full in this chapter, see ibid.

[2815] Paulinus, bishop of Tyre. See above, chap. 1, note 1.

[2816] i.e. Paulinus.

[2817] Cf. Rev. xxi. 2

[2818] beseleel, which is the form found in the LXX. The Hebrew is
L+#L+ZJaB+u, which the R.V. renders ”Bezalel.” See Ex. xxxv. 30 sq.

[2819] See Hag. ii. 9

[2820] Eusebius addresses first the assembled clergymen in general,
then Paulinus in particular, and finally the people, calling the latter
”nurslings,” ”habitation,” ”school,” ”auditory.” The significance of
the words as used by him is plain enough, but their collocation is
rather remarkable.

[2821] Psa. xliv. 1.

[2822] Cf. Ex. vi. 6, et al.

[2823] Psa. xlviii. 8.

[2824] 1 Tim. iii. 15.

[2825] Psa. lxxxvii. 3.

[2826] Psa. cxxii. 1.

[2827] Psa. xxvi. 8.

[2828] Psa. xlviii. 1.

[2829] Psa. xlv. 2.

[2830] Psa. cxxxvi. 4.

[2831] Job ix. 10.

[2832] Dan. ii. 21.

[2833] 1 Sam. ii. 8. (Psa. cxiii. 7).

[2834] Luke i. 52, 53.

[2835] Cf. Psa. xcvi. 1

[2836] prosupakouontes. Eusebius seems to use this rather peculiar
expression because the words of song which he suggests are not the
words of the ”new song” given by the Psalmist, but are taken from other
parts of the book.

[2837] Psa. cxxxvi. 4.

[2838] Ibid. 17.

[2839] Ibid. 23, 24.

[2840] It is remarked by Valesius that these words are taken from some
tragic poet. That they are quoted from an ancient writer is clear
enough from the Ionic forms which occur (hore, allotriesi, xumphoresi),
and if a few slight changes be made (kamnonton to kamonton, heneken to
heineken, men to ta, ep’ allotriesi te to allotriesi) the words resolve
themselves into iambic trimeters:– tes ton kamonton heineken soterias
hore ta deina, thingEURnei d’ aedeon, allotriesi sumphoresin idias
karpoutai lupas. According to Valesius, Gregory Nazianzen in his first
Oratio quotes the last verse (kai to ep’ allotriais sumphorais idias
karpousthai lupas, in which there is no trace of the poetical form)
with the remark hoszphe tis ton par’ ekeinois sophon; and Valesius
adds: ”Ad quem locum Elias Cretensis notat verba haec esse Hippocratis
quem Gregorius Nazianzenus sapientis cujusdam nomine designat.”
Moreover, Schwegler remarks that the words are taken from Hippocrates.
In a note ad locum he says: ”Hippocratis medici (cf. Hippocr. de Flat.
init. p. 78, ed. Foes) quae eadem laudantur et ab aliis Scriptoribus,
veluti a Luciano in Bis. Accus. c. I. p. 49, ed. Bip. Cf. quae
interpretes adnotaverunt ad Luciani, l.c. Tom. VII. p. 400, ed. Bip.” I
have not examined these references, and can therefore form no judgment
in the matter.

[2841] ablabos. The application of the word is not perfectly clear, but
the meaning seems to be ”without harm to himself,” ”unharmed.” ”He is
the only one able to minister to our salvation without sinking under
the weight of the burden, or suffering from his contact with us.”
Eusebius is perhaps thinking especially of Christ’s absolute
sinlessness and victory over all temptation; perhaps only in a more
general way of the great strength needed for such a task, strength
possessed by Christ alone in sufficient measure to prevent his own
complete exhaustion under the immense task.

[2842] Cf. Isa. ix. 6

[2843] megas archistrEURtegos; cf. Josh. v. 13.

[2844] This seems to be simply a rhetorical expression of what is
recorded in Bk. IX. chap. 9, in regard to the great statue of
Constantine with a cross in his hand, erected in Rome after his victory
over Maxentius. It is possible that other smaller monuments of a
similar kind were erected at the same time.

[2845] autotheon. The exact sense in which Eusebius uses this word is
open to dispute. That it asserts the Son to be possessed per se, in and
of himself, of absolute deity,–that is, that he is self-existent,–can
hardly be maintained, though Valesius does maintain it. The word admits
some latitude of meaning, as Heinichen shows (in his edition of
Eusebius, III. p. 736 sq., Melet. XX.), and its use does not forbid a
belief in the subordination of the Son. In my opinion it clearly
indicates a belief in an essential deity of the Son, but not a full and
absolute deity. Stein, in his Eusebius, p. 138, remarks: ”Eusebius
wendet hier dei platonischen Ausdruecke nach dem Vorbilde des Origenes
auf das Wesen des Sohnes an. Nach Origines bezeichnen diese Ausdruecke
die Absolutheit des Sohnes, nach den Platonikern jedoch bedeuten sie
nicht das hoechste Wesen. Es ist nun Zweifelhaft, ob Eusebius mit
diesen Begriffen den Sinn des Origenes, oder den der Platoniker
verknuepft habe.” There can be little doubt, in my opinion, that
Eusebius followed Origen so far as he understood him, but that he never
carried the essential deity of the Son so far as to cease to think of
some kind of an essential subordination. See the discussion of
Eusebius’ position, on p. 11 sq. of this volume. I have translated the
word autotheon ”very God,” because there seems to be no other phrase
which does not necessarily express more, or less, than Eusebius means
by the word. It must be remembered, however, that in using the phrase
which is commonly employed to translate the later Nicene alethinon
theon, I do not use it in the full sense thus ordinarily attached to
it.

[2846] Psa. xxxiii. 9.

[2847] tou pambasileos kai panegemonos kai autou theou logou. Valesius
translates, Verbi omnium regis ac principis ac per se Dei; Closs, ”des
Wortes, das der Koenig aller Koenige, der oberste Fuerst und selbst
Gott ist”; Cruse, ”The universal King, the universal Prince, and God,
the Word himself.” A conception is thus introduced which the clause as
it stands, without the repetition of the article with logou, seems to
me hardly to warrant. At any rate, the rendering which I have adopted
seems more accurately to reproduce the original.

[2848] theologoumeno. The use of the word theologeo in the sense of
speaking of, or celebrating a person as divine, or attributing divinity
to a person, was very common among the Fathers, especially in
connection with Christ. See Suicer’s Thesaurus, s.v. II. and Bk. V.
chap. 28, S: 4, above.

[2849] Eusebius’ reference to these various buildings is somewhat
confusing. He speaks first of the Church of Christ, ”the living temple
which we all constitute”; then of the Jews, ”the builders of that
ancient temple which no longer stands”; and finally, as it seems, of
the heathen, ”builders of the structure which still endures and is
composed of the mass of men” (ton pollon anthropon).

[2850] Literally, ”it says” (phesi), i.e. ”the Scripture says.”

[2851] John v. 19.

[2852] i.e. Paulinus.

[2853] Ex. xxxv. 31.

[2854] Psa. lviii. 6. Eusebius agrees with the LXX, which reads tas
mulas ton leonton.

[2855] Psa. viii. 2. The LXX has katalusai instead of Eusebius’
kataischunai

[2856] Literally, ”the God-fighting, daring deeds of the impious” (tais
theomEURchois ton asebon tolmais).

[2857] Psa. xxxvii. 14, 15.

[2858] Psa. ix. 6. Eusebius agrees with the LXX in reading met’ echou:
”with a sound.”

[2859] Ibid. 5.

[2860] Psa. xviii. 41.

[2861] Ibid. xx. 8.

[2862] Ibid. lxxiii. 20.

[2863] Cf. Bk. I. chap. 2, S: 19, above, and the note on that passage.

[2864] Isa. xxxv. 1.

[2865] Ibid. 3, 4.

[2866] Ibid. 6, 7.

[2867] Psa. lxxiv. 5, 6.

[2868] Diocletian’s first edict included the destruction of the sacred
books of the Christians, as well as of their churches. See above, Bk.
VIII. chap. 2.

[2869] Psa. lxxiv. 7.

[2870] Ibid. lxxx. 12, 13.

[2871] Heb. xii. 6, with which Eusebius agrees exactly, differing from
Prov. iii. 12 in the use of paideuei instead of elenchei.

[2872] Isa. xxxv. 6.

[2873] tes theias tou soteriou loutrou palingenesias. Cf. Titus iii. 5.

[2874] Isa. xxxv. 7.

[2875] Ibid. 3.

[2876] ten oikeian poimnen.

[2877] Isa. xxxv. 4.

[2878] Hag. ii. 9.

[2879] The description of the church of Tyre which follows is very
valuable, as being the oldest detailed description which we have of a
Christian basilica. Eusebius mentions other churches in his Vita
Constantini, III. 30-39, 41-43, 48, 50, 51-53, 58, IV. 58, and
describes some of them at considerable length. We have a number of
descriptions from later sources, but rely for our knowledge of early
Christian architecture chiefly upon the extant remains of the edifices
themselves. For a very full discussion of the present church, which was
an excellent example of an ancient Christian basilica, and for a
detailed description of its various parts, see Bingham’s Antiquities,
Bk. VIII. chap. 3 sq., and compare also the article Basilika in Kraus’
Real-Encyclopaedie der Christ. Alterthuemer. The literature on the
general subject of early Christian architecture is very extensive. See
more particularly the works referred to in the articles in Smith and
Cheetham’s Dict. of Christ. Antiq. and in the Encyclop. Britannica; and
cf. also Schaff’s Ch. Hist. III. p. 538 sq.

[2880] Bingham remarks that the ancient basilicas commonly faced the
west, and that therefore the position of this church of Tyre was
exceptional; but this is a mistake. It is true that from the fifth
century on, the altar almost uniformly occupied the east end of the
church, but previous to that time the position observed in the present
case was almost universally followed, so that the present building was
not at all exceptional in its position. See the article Orientierung in
Kraus’ Real-Encyclopaedie. Although the common custom was to have the
church stand east and west, yet the rule was often neglected, and there
exist many notable examples of churches standing north and south, or
quite out of line with the points of the compass.

[2881] aithrion, the Latin atrium.

[2882] Psa. civ. 16.

[2883] i.e. in the apse, or chancel, not in the middle of the nave, or
body of the church.

[2884] exedras kai oikous. Large basilicas were always provided with
additional rooms, and adjacent buildings, such as baptisteries,
diaconica, secretaria, &c., which were used for various ecclesiastical
purposes, and which were often of considerable size, so that important
synods frequently met in one or another of them. Cf. Bingham, ibid.
chap. 7.

[2885] The name Solomon (Heb. H+M+L+Sh) means ”peaceful.”

[2886] Hag. ii. 9.

[2887] lutheisan, which may mean also ”dissolved, decayed.” Cruse
translates ”dissolved”; Closs, ”schon verwesend.”

[2888] Cf. Matt. xix. 28.

[2889] See Isa. xxxv. 1

[2890] Isa. lxi. 10, 11.

[2891] Ibid. liv. 4.

[2892] The word ”not” is omitted in the Hebrew (and consequently in our
English versions), but is found in the LXX.

[2893] Isa. liv. 6-8.

[2894] Ibid. li. 17, 18.

[2895] Ibid. li. 22, 23.

[2896] Ibid. lii. 1, 2.

[2897] Ibid. xlix. 18-21.

[2898] numphostolos, referring to Paulinus.

[2899] 2 Cor. vi. 16.

[2900] tais plektikais ton mathemEURton didaskalias

[2901] Isa. liv. 11-14

[2902] thei& 251; loutro; i.e. baptism.

[2903] Heinichen, followed by Closs, reads tous men…tous de: ”Some of
them he supports by pillars…others of them he illumines by windows.”
But all the mss. read tous men…tois de, which, in view of the general
character of Eusebius’ style throughout this oration, we are hardly
justified in changing. I have therefore followed Valesius, Burton, and
Cruse in retaining the reading of the mss.

[2904] Acts ii. 3.

[2905] isos

[2906] autos holos enkEURthetai christos.

[2907] Valesius remarks, ”Sic Hieronymus seu quis alius de ordinibus
ecclesiae: in illis esse partes et membra virtutem, in episcopo
plenitudinem divinitatis habitare.” From what source the quotation
comes I do not know.

[2908] Cf. Gal. iv. 26

[2909] Cf. Heb. xii. 22, 23.

[2910] 1 Cor. ii. 9.

[2911] Psa. ciii. 3-5.

[2912] Ibid. 10.

[2913] Ibid. 12, 13.

[2914] eis tous sumpantas ai& 242;nas ton ai& 240;non.
__________________________________________________________________

Chapter V.–Copies of Imperial Laws. [2915]

1. Let us finally subjoin the translations from the Roman tongue of the
imperial decrees of Constantine and Licinius.

Copy of imperial decrees translated from the Roman tongue. [2916]

2. ”Perceiving long ago that religious liberty ought not to be denied,
but that it ought to be granted to the judgment and desire of each
individual to perform his religious duties according to his own choice,
we had given orders that every man, Christians as well as others,
should preserve the faith of his own sect and religion. [2917]

3. But since in that rescript, in which such liberty was granted them,
many and various conditions [2918] seemed clearly added, some of them,
it may be, after a little retired from such observance.

4. When I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Augustus, came under
favorable auspices to Milan and took under consideration everything
which pertained to the common weal and prosperity, we resolved among
other things, or rather first of all, to make such decrees as seemed in
many respects for the benefit of every one; namely, such as should
preserve reverence and piety toward the deity. We resolved, that is, to
grant both to the Christians and to all men freedom to follow the
religion which they choose, that whatever heavenly divinity exists
[2919] may be propitious to us and to all that live under our
government.

5. We have, therefore, determined, with sound and upright purpose, that
liberty is to be denied to no one, to choose and to follow the
religious observances of the Christians, but that to each one freedom
is to be given to devote his mind to that religion which he may think
adapted to himself, [2920] in order that the Deity may exhibit to us in
all things his accustomed care and favor.

6. It was fitting that we should write that this is our pleasure, that
those conditions [2921] being entirely left out which were contained in
our former letter concerning the Christians which was sent to your
devotedness, everything that seemed very severe and foreign to our
mildness may be annulled, and that now every one who has the same
desire to observe the religion of the Christians may do so without
molestation.

7. We have resolved to communicate this most fully to thy care, in
order that thou mayest know that we have granted to these same
Christians freedom and full liberty to observe their own religion.

8. Since this has been granted freely by us to them, thy devotedness
perceives that liberty is granted to others also who may wish to follow
their own religious observances; it being clearly in accordance with
the tranquillity of our times, that each one should have the liberty of
choosing and worshiping whatever deity he pleases. This has been done
by us in order that we might not seem in any way to discriminate
against any rank or religion. [2922]

9. And we decree still further in regard to the Christians, that their
places, in which they were formerly accustomed to assemble, and
concerning which in the former letter sent to thy devotedness a
different command was given, [2923] if it appear that any have bought
them either from our treasury or from any other person, shall be
restored to the said Christians, without demanding money or any other
equivalent, with no delay or hesitation.

10. If any happen to have received the said places as a gift, they
shall restore them as quickly as possible to these same Christians:
with the understanding that if those who have bought these places, or
those who have received them as a gift, demand anything from our
bounty, they may go to the judge of the district, that provision may be
made for them by our clemency. All these things are to be granted to
the society of Christians by your care immediately and without any
delay.

11. And since the said Christians are known to have possessed not only
those places in which they were accustomed to assemble, but also other
places, belonging not to individuals among them, but to the society
[2924] as a whole, that is, to the society of Christians, you will
command that all these, in virtue of the law which we have above
stated, be restored, without any hesitation, to these same Christians;
that is, to their society and congregation: the above-mentioned
provision being of course observed, that those who restore them without
price, as we have before said, may expect indemnification from our
bounty.

12. In all these things, for the behoof of the aforesaid society of
Christians, you are to use the utmost diligence, to the end that our
command may be speedily fulfilled, and that in this also, by our
clemency, provision may be made for the common and public tranquillity.
[2925]

13. For by this means, [2926] as we have said before, the divine favor
toward us which we have already experienced in many matters will
continue sure through all time.

14. And that the terms of this our gracious ordinance may be known to
all, it is expected that this which we have written will be published
everywhere by you and brought to the knowledge of all, in order that
this gracious ordinance of ours may remain unknown to no one.”

Copy of another imperial decree which they issued, [2927] indicating
that the grant was made to the Catholic Church alone.

15. ”Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. It is the custom of
our benevolence, most esteemed Anulinus, to will that those things
which belong of right to another should not only be left unmolested,
but should also be restored. [2928]

16. Wherefore it is our will that when thou receivest this letter, if
any such things belonged to the Catholic Church of the Christians, in
any city or other place, but are now held by citizens [2929] or by any
others, thou shalt cause them to be restored immediately to the said
churches. For we have already determined that those things which these
same churches formerly possessed shall be restored to them.

17. Since therefore thy devotedness perceives that this command of ours
is most explicit, do thou make haste to restore to them, as quickly as
possible, everything which formerly belonged to the said
churches,–whether gardens or buildings or whatever they may be,–that
we may learn that thou hast obeyed this decree of ours most carefully.
Farewell, our most esteemed and beloved Anulinus.”

Copy of an epistle in which the Emperor commands that a synod of
bishops be held at Rome in behalf of the unity and concord of the
churches. [2930]

18. ”Constantine Augustus to Miltiades, [2931] bishop of Rome, and to
Marcus. [2932] Since many such communications have been sent to me by
Anulinus, [2933] the most illustrious proconsul of Africa, in which it
is said that Caecilianus, [2934] bishop of the city of Carthage, has
been accused by some of his colleagues in Africa, in many matters;
[2935] and since it seems to me a very serious thing that in those
provinces which Divine Providence has freely entrusted to my
devotedness, and in which there is a great population, the multitude
are found following the baser course, and dividing, as it were, into
two parties, and the bishops are at variance,–

19. it has seemed good to me that Caecilianus himself, with ten of the
bishops that appear to accuse him, and with ten others whom he may
consider necessary for his defense, should sail to Rome, that there, in
the presence of yourselves and of Retecius [2936] and Maternus [2937]
and Marinus, [2938] your colleagues, whom I have commanded to hasten to
Rome for this purpose, [2939] he may be heard, as you may understand to
be in accordance with the most holy law.

20. But in order that you may be enabled to have most perfect knowledge
of all these things, I have subjoined to my letter copies of the
documents sent to me by Anulinus, and have sent them to your
above-mentioned colleagues. When your firmness has read these, you will
consider in what way the above-mentioned case may be most accurately
investigated and justly decided. For it does not escape your diligence
that I have such reverence for the legitimate [2940] Catholic Church
that I do not wish you to leave schism or division in any place. May
the divinity of the great God preserve you, most honored sirs, for many
years.”

Copy of an epistle in which the emperor commands another synod to be
held for the purpose of removing all dissensions among the bishops.

21. ”Constantine Augustus to Chrestus, [2941] bishop of Syracuse. When
some began wickedly and perversely to disagree [2942] among themselves
in regard to the holy worship and celestial power and Catholic
doctrine, [2943] wishing to put an end to such disputes among them, I
formerly gave command that certain bishops should be sent from Gaul,
and that the opposing parties who were contending persistently and
incessantly with each other, should be summoned from Africa; that in
their presence, and in the presence of the bishop of Rome, the matter
which appeared to be causing the disturbance might be examined and
decided with all care. [2944]

22. But since, as it happens, some, forgetful both of their own
salvation and of the reverence due to the most holy religion, do not
even yet bring hostilities to an end, and are unwilling to conform to
the judgment already passed, and assert that those who expressed their
opinions and decisions were few, or that they had been too hasty and
precipitate in giving judgment, before all the things which ought to
have been accurately investigated had been examined,–on account of all
this it has happened that those very ones who ought to hold brotherly
and harmonious relations toward each other, are shamefully, or rather
abominably, [2945] divided among themselves, and give occasion for
ridicule to those men whose souls are aliens to this most holy
religion. Wherefore it has seemed necessary to me to provide that this
dissension, which ought to have ceased after the judgment had been
already given by their own voluntary agreement, should now, if
possible, be brought to an end by the presence of many.

23. Since, therefore, we have commanded a number of bishops from a
great many different places [2946] to assemble in the city of Arles,
[2947] before the kalends of August, we have thought proper to write to
thee also that thou shouldst secure from the most illustrious
Latronianus, [2948] corrector of Sicily, [2949] a public vehicle, and
that thou shouldst take with thee two others of the second rank, [2950]
whom thou thyself shalt choose, together with three servants who may
serve you on the way, and betake thyself to the above-mentioned place
before the appointed day; that by thy firmness, and by the wise
unanimity and harmony of the others present, this dispute, which has
disgracefully continued until the present time, in consequence of
certain shameful strifes, after all has been heard which those have to
say who are now at variance with one another, and whom we have likewise
commanded to be present, may be settled in accordance with the proper
faith, and that brotherly harmony, though it be but gradually, may be
restored.

24. May the Almighty God preserve thee in health for many years.”
__________________________________________________________________

[2915] Heinichen gives ‘Antigrapha basilikon nomon peri ton
christianois prosekonton as the title of this chapter. All but three of
the mss., however, agree in limiting the title to the first three
words, the last four being given by the majority of them as the title
of chap. 6. The words are quite out of place at the head of that
chapter, which in two important mss., followed by Stroth, is made a
part of chap. 5. Heinichen inserts the words at this point because they
are out of place in the position in which they commonly occur; but the
truth is, they are no better adapted to the present chapter than to
that one, for only one of the edicts quoted in this chapter has
reference to the property of Christians. It seems to me much more
likely that the words were originally written in the margin of some
codex opposite that particular rescript, and thence by an error slipped
into the text at the head of a later one, which was then made a
separate chapter. In view of the uncertainty, however, as to the
original position of the words, I have followed Laemmer, Schwegler,
Stroth, Closs, and Stigloher, in omitting them altogether.

[2916] This is the famous Edict of Milan, issued by Constantine and
Licinius late in the year 312, after the former’s victory over
Maxentius (see above, Bk. IX. chap. 9, note 7). The edict has a claim
to be remembered as the first announcement of the great doctrine of
complete freedom of conscience, and that not for one religion only, but
for all religions. In this respect it was a great advance upon the
edict of Galerius, which had granted conditional liberty to a single
faith. The greater part of the edict (beginning with S: 4) is extant in
its original Latin form in Lactantius’ De mort. pers. chap. 48. The
Greek translation is still less accurate than the translation of the
edict of Galerius given in Bk. VIII. chap. 17, above, but the
variations from the original are none of them of great importance. The
most marked ones will be mentioned in the notes.

[2917] The reference in this sentence is not, as was formerly supposed,
to a lost edict of Constantine and Licinius, but to the edict of
Galerius, as is proved by Mason (p. 327 sq.), who has completely
exploded the old belief in three edicts of toleration, and has shown
that there were only two; viz. that of Galerius, Constantine, and
Licinius, published in 311, and the present one, issued by Constantine
and Licinius in 312.

[2918] The Greek word is haireseis, which has been commonly translated
”sects,” and the reference has been supposed to be to various
schismatic bodies included in the former edict, but, as Mason remarks,
such an interpretation is preposterous, and introduces an idea in
direct contradiction to the entire tenor of the present document. The
fact is that, although ”sects” is the natural translation of the word
haireseis, we find the same word in S: 6, below, used to translate
conditiones, and it may be reasonably assumed–in fact, it may be
regarded as certain in view of the context–that in the present case
the same word stood in the Latin original. I have no hesitation,
therefore, in adopting the rendering which I have given in the text.
These ”conditions,” then, to which the edict refers were enumerated,
not in the former edict itself, but in the rescript which accompanied
it (see above, Bk. VIII. chap. 17, note 9). What these conditions were
may be conjectured, as remarked in that note, from the provisions of
the present edict (cf. Mason, p. 330 sq.).

[2919] hoti pote esti theiotes kai ouraniou prEURgmatos. Latin: quo
quidem divinitas in sede coelesti. The Greek is by no means a
reproduction of the sense of the Latin, and indeed, as it stands, is
quite untranslatable. I have contented myself with a paraphrase, which
does not express what the Greek translator says, but perhaps is not
entirely at variance with what he meant to say.

[2920] In this sentence it is stated distinctly, not simply that
Christians may remain Christians, but that anybody that pleases may
become a Christian; that is, that the fullest liberty is granted to
every man either to observe his ancestral religion or to choose
another.

[2921] Greek, haireseon; Latin, conditionibus (see note 4, above).

[2922] medemiZ time mede threskeia tini. Latin, honori, neque cuiquam
religioni. Mason concludes from this clause that in the rescript which
accompanied the previous edict Christians had been excluded from
certain official positions.

[2923] That there was some condition attached in the last rescript to
the restoration of their property to the Christians is clear from these
words. We may gather from what follows that the Christians were obliged
to pay something for the restored property, either to the occupants or
to the government. Constantine states that henceforth the imperial
treasury will freely bear all the expense involved in the transfer.

[2924] to somati& 251;. Latin, corpori. The use of this word (which we
might almost translate ”body corporate”) is a distinct recognition of
the full legal status of the Christian Church, and of their right as a
corporation in the eyes of the law to hold property. The right did not
on this occasion receive recognition for the first time, but more
distinctly and in broader terms than ever before. Upon the right of the
Church to hold property before the publication of this edict, see
especially Hatch’s Constitution of the Early Christian Churches, p.
152, note 25.

[2925] Greek, tes koines kai demosias hesuchias. Latin, more simply,
quieti publicae.

[2926] touto gar to logismo. Latin, hactenus.

[2927] It would seem that this communication was sent to Anulinus soon
after the issue of the Edict of Milan; for it gives directions for the
carrying out of some of the provisions made in that edict, and is very
likely but a sample of special letters sent in connection with that
document to the governors of the various provinces. We know from the
next chapter that Anulinus was proconsul of the Roman province of
Africa, of which Carthage was the capital city, and which was very
thickly populated with Christians. Of Anulinus himself we know only
what we can learn from this and the next two chapters. The title of the
rescript as given by Eusebius is somewhat misleading. There is no
indication in the document itself that it was written with the distinct
purpose of distinguishing the Catholic Church from schismatic bodies,
and granting it privileges denied to them. If such had been its aim, it
would certainly have stated it more clearly. The term ”Catholic Church”
(in S: 16) seems in fact to be used in a general sense to indicate the
Christian Church as a whole. It is, to be sure, possible that
Constantine may already have had some knowledge of the schismatics whom
he refers to in another epistle, quoted in the next chapter; but his
omission of all reference to them in the present case shows that he did
not intend at this time to draw lines between parties, or to pass
judgment upon any society calling itself a Christian church.

[2928] i.e. that if they have been molested, or taken from their
owners, they should be restored.

[2929] politon. Valesius conjectures that politeuton should be read
instead of politon, and therefore translates a decurionibus. Cruse,
following him, reads ”by the decurions.” The correction, however,
though an improvement, is not necessary, and I have not felt justified
in adopting it.

[2930] This and the next epistle were occasioned by the Donatist
schism. This great schism arose after the close of the Diocletian
persecution, and divided the church of North Africa for more than a
century. Like the Novatian schism, it was due to the conflict of the
more rigid and the more indulgent theories of discipline. In
Novatianism, however, the burning question was the readmission of the
lapsed; in Donatism, the validity of clerical functions performed by
unholy or unfaithful clergymen. In the latter, therefore, the question
was one of clerical, not lay discipline, and there was involved in it a
very important theological principle. The Donatists maintained that the
validity of clerical functions depended upon the character of the
administering clergyman; the Catholic party maintained that the
validity of those functions depended solely upon Christ, and was quite
independent of the character of the officiating clergyman, provided he
had been duly qualified by the Church for the performance of such
functions. Augustine, nearly a century after the rise of the sect,
found it necessary to oppose it, and it was in the controversy with it
that he developed his doctrine of the Church and the Sacraments. The
immediate occasion of the schism was the election of Caecilianus, who
favored the milder principles of church discipline, to the bishopric of
Carthage, in 311. His election was opposed by the entire rigoristic
party in Carthage and throughout North Africa. It was claimed that the
Bishop Felix of Aptunga, by whom he was ordained, had been a traditor
during the persecution, and that therefore Caecilian’s ordination was
not valid. As a consequence the bishops of Numidia, who had not been
invited to assist in the choice and ordination of Caecilian, held a
synod in Carthage, and elected a counter-bishop, Majorinus. Thus the
schism was definitely launched. The party called itself for a time by
the name of its first bishop, but in 315 he was succeeded by Donatus,
called the Great, to distinguish him from Donatus, bishop of Casae
Nigrae, who had been one of the original leaders of the movement. From
him the sect took the name by which it was thenceforth known. Doubtless
personal jealousies and enmities had considerable to do with the origin
of the schism, but it is quite inaccurate to ascribe it wholly to such
causes. The fundamental ground lay in the deep-seated difference in
principles between the two parties in the Church, and it was inevitable
that that difference should make itself felt in some such rupture, even
had personal reasons not co-operated to such an extent as they did. Our
chief sources for a knowledge of Donatism are the anti-Donatistic works
of Augustine (see The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, first series,
Vol. IV. p. 369 sq.), together with a number of his epistles, and
Optatus’ De Schismate Donatistarum. The literature on the subject is
very extensive. See especially Valesius’ essay, De Schismate Donat.,
appended to his edition of Eusebius (Reading’s edition, p. 775 sq.);
Ribbeck, Donatus and Augustinus, 1858; the articles Caecilianus and
Donatism in the Dict. of Christ. Biog.; Neander’s Church History,
Torrey’s translation, II. p. 182 sq.; Hefele’s Conciliengesch. 2d ed.,
I. p. 293 sq.; and Schaff’s Church History, III. p. 360 sq. Constantine
did not voluntarily meddle in the Donatistic controversy. He was first
appealed to by the Donatists themselves, through the proconsul
Anulinus, early in the year 313 (see Augustine, Epistle 88, for a copy
of the letter in which Anulinus communicates their request to the
emperor). In response to their appeal Constantine (in the present
epistle) summoned the two parties to appear before a Roman synod, which
was held in October, 313. The Donatists were unable to prove their
charges, and the synod gave decision against them. Again, at their own
request, their case was heard at a council held in Gaul the following
year (the synod of Arles; see the next epistle of Constantine quoted in
this chapter). This council also decided against them, and the
Donatists appealed once more to the judgment of the emperor himself. He
heard their case in Milan in 316, and confirmed the decisions of the
councils, and soon afterward issued laws against them, threatening them
with the banishment of their bishops and the confiscation of their
property. He soon, however, withdrew his persecuting measures, and
adopted a policy of toleration. During subsequent reigns their
condition grew worse, and they were often obliged to undergo severe
hardships; but they clung rigidly to their principles until the
invasion of the Vandals in 428, when the entire North African Church
was devastated.

[2931] Miltiades (called also Melchiades) was bishop of Rome from July
2, 310, to Jan. 10 or 11, 314. See Lipsius, Chron. der roem. Bischoefe,
p. 257 sq.

[2932] Marcus is an otherwise unknown personage, unless Valesius’ not
improbable conjecture be accepted, that he was at this time a presbyter
of Rome, and is to be identified with the Marcus who was bishop of Rome
for some eight months in 336.

[2933] chEURrtai. The reference, as remarked by Valesius, seems to be
not to epistles of Anulinus, but to the communications of the Donatists
forwarded to the emperor by Anulinus. In his epistle to the emperor,
which was written April 15, 313 (see Augustine, Ep. 88), Anulinus
speaks of two communications handed to him by the Donatists, which he
forwards to the emperor with his own letter. The former of them, which
is no longer extant, bore the title Libellus ecclesiae Catholicae
criminum Caeciliani. The other, which is preserved by Optatus (Du Pin’s
edition, p. 22, and Routh, Rel. Sac. IV. 280) contained the request
that the emperor would appoint some Gallic bishops to hear the case,
because the church of that country had not been subjected to the same
temptation as themselves during the persecution, and could therefore
render an impartial decision. It was in consequence of this request
that the Gallic bishops mentioned below were directed by the emperor to
proceed to Rome to join with Miltiades in the adjudication of the case.
Constantine speaks of receiving many such communications, but no others
are preserved to us.

[2934] Caecilianus had been arch-deacon of the church of Carthage under
the bishop Mensurius, and had been a diligent supporter of the latter
in his opposition to the fanatical conduct and the extreme rigor of the
stricter party during the persecution. In 311 he became bishop, and
lived until about 345. We know nothing about his life after the first
few years of the conflict. His title to the bishopric was universally
acknowledged outside of North Africa, and by all there except the
Donatists themselves.

[2935] The chief charge brought against Caecilian was that he had been
ordained by a traditor, Felix of Aptunga, and that his ordination was
therefore invalid. The charge against Felix was carefully investigated
at the Council of Arles, and pronounced quite groundless. Many personal
charges, such as cruelty to the martyrs in prison (which had its
ground, doubtless, in his condemnation of the foolish fanaticism which
was so common during the persecution in Africa), tyranny,
bloodthirstiness, &c., were brought against Caecilian, but were
dismissed in every case as quite groundless.

[2936] Retecius was bishop of Autun in Gaul (see Optatus, I. 22, and
the references given below). An extended account of him, largely
legendary, is given by Gregory of Tours (De gloria Conf. 75, according
to the Dict. of Christ. Biog.). The dates of his accession and death
are unknown to us. He attended the Council of Arles in 313 (see the
list of those present, in Routh, IV. p. 312), and is spoken of in high
terms by Augustine (Contra Jul. I. 7; Opus imperf. cont. Jul. I. 55),
and also by Jerome, who informs us that he wrote a commentary on the
Song of Songs and a work against Novatian (see his de vir. ill. 82, Ep.
ad Florentium, and ad Marcellam, Migne, Nos. 5 and 37).

[2937] Maternus was bishop of Cologne, the first one of that see known
to us, but the date of his accession and death are unknown. He is
mentioned by Optatus (ibid.), and was present at the Council of Arles
(Routh, ibid.).

[2938] Marinus, whose dates are likewise unknown, was bishop of Arles
(see Optatus, ibid.), and was present at the Council in that city in
314 (see Routh, ibid. p. 313).

[2939] This Roman Council convened in the house of Fausta, in the
Lateran, on the second day of October, 313, and was attended by
nineteen bishops,–the three from Gaul just mentioned, Miltiades
himself, and fifteen Italian bishops (see Optatus, ibid.). The synod
resulted in the complete victory of the party of Caecilian, as remarked
above (note 15).

[2940] enthesmo.

[2941] The name of Chrestus appears first in the list of those present
at the Council of Arles (see Routh, IV. 312), and in consequence it has
been thought that he presided at the Council, a conclusion which some
have regarded as confirmed by Constantine’s own words in S: 24, below.
But on the other hand, in the epistle of the synod addressed to
Sylvester of Rome, and containing the canons of the Council, it is
distinctly stated that Marinus, bishop of Arles, presided; and this in
itself seems more probable, although the document in which the
statement is found may not perhaps be genuine (see, for instance,
Ffoulke’s article Marinus in the Dict. of Christ. Biog., which needs,
however, to be taken with allowance, for the case against the
genuineness of the extant canons of the Council is by no means so
strong as he implies). Of Chrestus himself we know nothing more than
can be gathered from this epistle.

[2942] apodiistasthai

[2943] tes haireseos tes katholikes

[2944] See the previous epistle.

[2945] aischros, mallon de museros.

[2946] ek diaphoron kai amutheton topon. Some old accounts give the
number of bishops present at the Council as six hundred, but this is
wild. Baronius gave the number as two hundred, and he has been followed
by many others, but this rests upon a false reading in a passage in
Augustine’s works. The truth seems to be that there were not more than
thirty-three bishops present, the number given in the only lists of the
members of the synod which we have (see Routh, ibid., and see also
Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 201).

[2947] Arles (Latin Arelate), a city of Southern France, situated not
far from the mouth of the Rhone. It was at this time one of the most
prominent episcopal sees of Gaul, and was the seat of more than one
important council, of which the present is the first known to us. The
one summoned by Constantine convened, as we may gather from this
passage, on the first of August, 314. We do not know how long its
sessions continued, nor indeed any particulars in regard to it, though
twenty-two canons are extant in an epistle addressed to Sylvester of
Rome, which purport to be the genuine canons of the Council, and are
commonly so regarded. Their genuineness, however, is by no means
universally admitted (cf. e.g. the article in the Dict. of Christ.
Biog. referred to in note 27). If the canons are genuine, we see that
the Council busied itself with many other maters besides the Donatistic
schism, especially with the Easter question and with various matters of
church discipline. See Hefele, Conciliengesch. I. p. 201 sq. (2d ed.).

[2948] According to Valesius the name of Latronianus is found (teste
Gualthero) in an ancient Palermo inscription (in tabulis Siculis,
numero 164). He is an otherwise unknown personage.

[2949] The Greek tou kor& 191;ektoros is evidently simply a
transliteration of the original Latin correctoris. Corrector, in the
time of the emperors, was ”the title of a kind of land bailiff, a
governor” (Andrews’ Lexicon).

[2950] ton ek tou deuterou thronou; i.e. presbyters. Valesius remarks
ad locum that presbyters were commonly called ”priests of the second
order,” as may be gathered from various authors. He refers among others
to Jerome, who says in his Epitaph on the blessed Paula, ”There were
present the bishops of Jerusalem and other cities, and an innumerable
company of priests and Levites of the lower order (inferioris gradus)”;
and to Gregory Nazianzen (Carm. iambic. de vita sua, p. 6), who says,
”the bishops in the church sat on a higher throne, the presbyters on
lower seats on either side, while the deacons stood by in white
garments.” Compare also Eusebius’ description of the arrangement of the
seats in the church of Tyre (chap. 4, S: 67, above), and for other
references see Valesius’ note. Possibly the Latin phrase used by
Constantine was similar to that employed by Jerome: secundi gradus.
__________________________________________________________________

Chapter VI. [2951] –Copy of an Imperial Epistle in which Money is
granted to the Churches. [2952]

1. ”Constantine Augustus to Caecilianus, [2953] bishop of Carthage.
Since it is our pleasure that something should be granted in all the
provinces of Africa and Numidia and Mauritania to certain ministers of
the legitimate [2954] and most holy catholic religion, to defray their
expenses, I have written to Ursus, [2955] the illustrious finance
minister [2956] of Africa, and have directed him to make provision to
pay to thy firmness three thousand folles. [2957]

2. Do thou therefore, when thou hast received the above sum of money,
command that it be distributed among all those mentioned above,
according to the brief [2958] sent to thee by Hosius. [2959]

3. But if thou shouldst find that anything is wanting for the
fulfillment of this purpose of mine in regard to all of them, thou
shalt demand without hesitation from Heracleides, [2960] our treasurer,
[2961] whatever thou findest to be necessary. For I commanded him when
he was present that if thy firmness should ask him for any money, he
should see to it that it be paid without delay.

4. And since I have learned that some men of unsettled mind wish to
turn the people from the most holy and catholic Church by a certain
method of shameful corruption, [2962] do thou know that I gave command
to Anulinus, the proconsul, and also to Patricius, [2963] vicar of the
prefects, [2964] when they were present, that they should give proper
attention not only to other matters but also above all to this, and
that they should not overlook such a thing when it happened. Wherefore
if thou shouldst see any such men continuing in this madness, do thou
without delay go to the above-mentioned judges and report the matter to
them; that they may correct them as I commanded them when they were
present. [2965] The divinity of the great God preserve thee for many
years.”
__________________________________________________________________

[2951] Upon the title of this chapter given in the majority of the
mss., see above, chap. 5, note 1.

[2952] The accompanying epistle furnishes the first instance which we
have of financial support furnished the clergy by the state. From this
time on the old system of voluntary contributions fell more and more
into disuse, and the clergy gained their support from the income upon
the church property, which accumulated rapidly, in consequence of
special grants by the state and voluntary gifts and legacies by pious
Christians, or from imperial bounties, as in the present case.
Chrysostom, however, complains that the clergy in his time were not as
well supported as under the ancient voluntary system. The accuracy of
his statement, however, is open to doubt, as is the accuracy of all
such comparisons between an earlier age and our own, unless it be based
upon exhaustive statistics. Upon the general subject of the maintenance
of the clergy in the early Church, see Bingham’s Antiquities, Bk. V.
Compare also Hatch’s Constitution of the Early Christian Churches, p.
150 sq. Upon the Montanistic practice of paying their clergy salaries,
see above, Bk. V. chap. 18, note 8, and for an example of the same
thing among the Theodotians, see Bk. V. chap. 28, S: 10.

[2953] On Caecilianus, see above, chap. 5, note 20.

[2954] enthesmou.

[2955] Ursus is an otherwise unknown personage.

[2956] katholikon. Cf. Bk. VIII. chap. 11, note 3.

[2957] pholleis. We learn from Epiphanius (De pond. et mens., at the
end of the work; Dindorf’s ed. IV. p. 33) that there were two folles,
one a small coin, and the other a sum of money of uncertain value. The
latter is evidently referred to here. According to one computation it
was worth 208 denarii. If this were correct, the present sum would
amount to over ninety thousand dollars; but the truth is, we can reach
no certainty in the matter. For an exhaustive discussion of the
subject, see Petavius’ essay in Dindorf’s edition of Epiphanius, IV. p.
109 sq.

[2958] breou& 187;on; probably for the Latin breviarium.

[2959] Doubtless to be identified with the famous Hosius, bishop of
Cordova in Spain, who was for many years Constantine’s most influential
adviser and took a prominent part in all the great controversies of the
first half of the fourth century, and who died shortly before 360, when
he was upwards of a hundred years old. Upon his life, see especially
the exhaustive article by Morse, in the Dict. of Christ. Biog.

[2960] Heracleides is, so far as I am aware, mentioned only here.

[2961] tou epitropou ton hemeteron ktemEURton.

[2962] This would seem to be a reference to the Donatists. If it is, it
leads us to suppose that Constantine had heard about the troubles in
Carthage before he received the communication from Anulinus referred to
in the previous chapter; for we can hardly suppose that pending the
trial of Caecilian Constantine would show him such signal marks of
favor, which would lay him at once open to the charge of partiality,
and would be practically a prejudgment of the case. On the other hand,
he could not have referred to the Donatists in this way after the trial
of the case, for his words imply that he is referring, not to an
already well-established and well-known party, but simply to
individuals whom he has recently learned to be making some kind of
trouble in the church. These considerations seem to me to lead to the
conclusion that this epistle preceded the one to Miltiades quoted in
the previous chapter, and also the one from Anulinus to Constantine
(see notes 16 and 19 on that chapter). If this be so, it must have been
written as early as April, 313, and therefore soon after the epistle to
Anulinus quoted in the previous chapter, S: 15 sq. We might then be led
to suppose that it was in consequence of this grant made by Constantine
solely to Caecilian and the clergy under him that the Donatists decided
to appeal to the emperor, his treatment of all who were opposed to
Caecilian showing them that he had heard reports of them by no means to
their advantage, and thus impelling them to try and set themselves
right in his eyes and in the eyes of the world by a public
investigation of their cause. There are difficulties connected with the
exact order of events at this point which beset any theory we may
adopt, but the one just stated seems to me most in harmony with our
sources and with the nature of the case. For a full, though not
altogether satisfactory, discussion of the matter, which I cannot dwell
upon here, see Walch’s Ketzergeschichte, IV. p. 116 sq.

[2963] This Patricius is known to us, so far as I am aware, from this
passage only.

[2964] to ouikari& 251; ton epEURrchon, which doubtless represents the
Latin Vicarius Praefectorum, the vicar or deputy of the prefects. See
Valesius’ note ad locum and the note of Heinichen (Vol. III. p. 463),
with the additional references given by him.

[2965] This is the first instance we have of an effort on Constantine’s
part to suppress schismatics. In 316 he enacted a stringent law against
the Donatists (see the previous chapter, note 16), which, however, he
withdrew within a few years, finding the policy of repression an unwise
one. The same was done later in connection with the Arians, whom he at
first endeavored to suppress by force, but afterward tolerated. His
successors were in the main far less tolerant than he was, and heretics
and schismatics were frequently treated with great harshness during the
fourth and following centuries.
__________________________________________________________________

Chapter VII.–The Exemption of the Clergy.

Copy of an Epistle in which the emperor commands that the rulers of the
churches be exempted from all political duties. [2966]

1. ”Greeting to thee, our most esteemed Anulinus. Since it appears from
many circumstances that when that religion is despised, in which is
preserved the chief reverence for the most holy celestial Power, great
dangers are brought upon public affairs; but that when legally adopted
and observed [2967] it affords the most signal prosperity to the Roman
name and remarkable felicity to all the affairs of men, through the
divine beneficence,–it has seemed good to me, most esteemed Anulinus,
that those men who give their services with due sanctity and with
constant observance of this law, to the worship of the divine religion,
should receive recompense for their labors.

2. Wherefore it is my will that those within the province entrusted to
thee, [2968] in the catholic Church, over which Caecilianus presides,
[2969] who give their services to this holy religion, and who are
commonly called clergymen, be entirely exempted from all public duties,
that they may not by any error or sacrilegious negligence be drawn away
from the service due to the Deity, but may devote themselves without
any hindrance to their own law. For it seems that when they show
greatest reverence to the Deity, the greatest benefits accrue to the
state. Farewell, our most esteemed and beloved Anulinus.”
__________________________________________________________________

[2966] Municipal offices and magistracies were a great burden under the
later Roman empire. They entailed heavy expenses for those who filled
them, and consequently, unless a man’s wealth was large, and his desire
for distinction very great, he was glad to be exempted, if possible,
from the necessity of supporting such expensive honors, which he was
not at liberty to refuse. The same was true of almost all the offices,
municipal and provincial offices, high and low. Discharging the duties
of an office was in fact practically paying a heavy tax to government,
and of course the fewer there were that were compelled to pay this tax,
the greater the burden upon the few. As a consequence, the exemption of
any class of persons always aroused opposition from those who were not
exempted. In granting this immunity to the clergy, however, Constantine
was granting them only what had long been enjoyed by the heathen
priesthood, and also by some of the learned professions. The privilege
bestowed here upon the African clergy was afterward extended to those
of other provinces, as we learn from the Theodosian Code, 16. 2. 2
(a.d. 319). The direct result of the exemption was that many persons of
means secured admission to the ranks of the clergy, in order to escape
the burden of office-holding; and this practice increased so rapidly
that within a few years the emperor was obliged to enact various laws
restricting the privilege. See Hatch’s Constitution of the Early
Christ. Churches, p. 144 sq.

[2967] enthesmos analephtheisan kai phulattomenen

[2968] i.e. the proconsular province of Africa (see above, chap. 5, S:
18).

[2969] i.e. the Church of the entire province; for the bishop of
Carthage was the metropolitan of the province, and indeed was the
leading bishop of North Africa, and thus recognized as in some sense at
the head of the church of that entire section of country.
__________________________________________________________________

Chapter VIII.–The Subsequent Wickedness of Licinius, and his Death.

1. Such blessings did divine and heavenly grace confer upon us through
the appearance of our Saviour, and such was the abundance of benefits
which prevailed among all men in consequence of the peace which we
enjoyed. And thus were our affairs crowned with rejoicings and
festivities.

2. But malignant envy, and the demon who loves that which is evil, were
not able to bear the sight of these things; and moreover the events
that befell the tyrants whom we have already mentioned were not
sufficient to bring Licinius to sound reason.

3. For the latter, although his government was prosperous and he was
honored with the second rank after the great Emperor Constantine, and
was connected with him by the closest ties of marriage, abandoned the
imitation of good deeds, and emulated the wickedness of the impious
tyrants whose end he had seen with his own eyes, and chose rather to
follow their principles than to continue in friendly relations with him
who was better than they. Being envious of the common benefactor he
waged an impious and most terrible war against him, paying regard
neither to laws of nature, nor treaties, nor blood, and giving no
thought to covenants. [2970]

4. For Constantine, like an all-gracious emperor, giving him evidences
of true favor, did not refuse alliance with him, and did not refuse him
the illustrious marriage with his sister, but honored him by making him
a partaker of the ancestral nobility and the ancient imperial blood,
[2971] and granted him the right of sharing in the dominion over all as
a brother-in-law and co-regent, conferring upon him the government and
administration of no less a portion of the Roman provinces than he
himself possessed. [2972]

5. But Licinius, on the contrary, pursued a course directly opposite to
this; forming daily all kinds of plots against his superior, and
devising all sorts of mischief, that he might repay his benefactor with
evils. At first he attempted to conceal his preparations, and pretended
to be a friend, and practiced frequently fraud and deceit, in the hope
that he might easily accomplish the desired end. [2973]

6. But God was the friend, protector, and guardian of Constantine, and
bringing the plots which had been formed in secrecy and darkness to the
light, he foiled them. So much virtue does the great armor of piety
possess for the warding off of enemies and for the preservation of our
own safety. Protected by this, our most divinely favored emperor
escaped the multitudinous plots of the abominable man.

7. But when Licinius perceived that his secret preparations by no means
progressed according to his mind,–for God revealed every plot and
wickedness to the God-favored emperor,–being no longer able to conceal
himself, he undertook an open war. [2974]

8. And at the same time that he determined to wage war with
Constantine, he also proceeded to join battle with the God of the
universe, whom he knew that Constantine worshiped, and began, gently
for a time and quietly, to attack his pious subjects, who had never
done his government any harm. [2975] This he did under the compulsion
of his innate wickedness which drove him into terrible blindness.

9. He did not therefore keep before his eyes the memory of those who
had persecuted the Christians before him, nor of those whose destroyer
and executioner he had been appointed, on account of the impieties
which they had committed. But departing from sound reason, being
seized, in a word, with insanity, he determined to war against God
himself as the ally of Constantine, instead of against the one who was
assisted by him.

10. And in the first place, he drove from his house every Christian,
thus depriving himself, wretched man, of the prayers which they offered
to God in his behalf, which they are accustomed, according to the
teaching of their fathers, to offer for all men. Then he commanded that
the soldiers in the cities should be cashiered and stripped of their
rank unless they chose to sacrifice to the demons. And yet these were
small matters when compared with the greater things that followed.

11. Why is it necessary to relate minutely and in detail all that was
done by the hater of God, and to recount how this most lawless man
invented unlawful laws? [2976] He passed an ordinance that no one
should exercise humanity toward the sufferers in prison by giving them
food, and that none should show mercy to those that were perishing of
hunger in bonds; that no one should in any way be kind, or do any good
act, even though moved by Nature herself to sympathize with one’s
neighbors. And this was indeed an openly shameful and most cruel law,
calculated to expel all natural kindliness. And in addition to this it
was also decreed, as a punishment, that those who showed compassion
should suffer the same things with those whom they compassionated; and
that those who kindly ministered to the suffering should be thrown into
bonds and into prison, and should endure the same punishment with the
sufferers. Such were the decrees of Licinius.

12. Why should we recount his innovations in regard to marriage or in
regard to the dying–innovations by which he ventured to annul the
ancient laws of the Romans which had been well and wisely formed, and
to introduce certain barbarous and cruel laws, which were truly
unlawful and lawless? [2977] He invented, to the detriment of the
provinces which were subject to him, innumerable prosecutions, [2978]
and all sorts of methods of extorting gold and silver, new measurements
of land [2979] and injurious exactions from men in the country, who
were no longer living, but long since dead.

13. Why is it necessary to speak at length of the banishments which, in
addition to these things, this enemy of mankind inflicted upon those
who had done no wrong, the expatriations of men of noble birth and high
reputation whose young wives he snatched from them and consigned to
certain baser fellows of his own, to be shamefully abused by them, and
the many married women and virgins upon whom he gratified his passions,
although he was in advanced age [2980] –why, I say, is it necessary to
speak at length of these things, when the excessive wickedness of his
last deeds makes the first appear small and of no account?

14. For, finally, he reached such a pitch of madness that he attacked
the bishops, supposing that they–as servants of the God over
all–would be hostile to his measures. He did not yet proceed against
them openly, on account of his fear of his superior, but as before,
secretly and craftily, employing the treachery of the governors for the
destruction of the most distinguished of them. And the manner of their
murder was strange, and such as had never before been heard of.

15. The deeds which he performed at Amaseia [2981] and in the other
cities of Pontus surpassed every excess of cruelty. Some of the
churches of God were again razed to the ground, others were closed, so
that none of those accustomed to frequent them could enter them and
render the worship due to God.

16. For his evil conscience led him to suppose that prayers were not
offered in his behalf; but he was persuaded that we did everything in
the interest of the God-beloved emperor, and that we supplicated God
for him. [2982] Therefore he hastened to turn his fury against us.

17. And then those among the governors who wished to flatter him,
perceiving that in doing such things they pleased the impious tyrant,
[2983] made some of the bishops suffer the penalties customarily
inflicted upon criminals, and led away and without any pretext punished
like murderers those who had done no wrong. Some now endured a new form
of death: having their bodies cut into many pieces with the sword, and
after this savage and most horrible spectacle, being thrown into the
depths of the sea as food for fishes.

18. Thereupon the worshipers of God again fled, and fields and deserts,
forests and mountains, again received the servants of Christ. And when
the impious tyrant had thus met with success in these measures, he
finally planned to renew the persecution against all.

19. And he would have succeeded in his design, and there would have
been nothing to hinder him in the work, had not God, the defender of
the lives of his own people, most quickly anticipated that which was
about to happen, and caused a great light to shine forth as in the
midst of a dark and gloomy night, and raised up a deliverer for all,
leading into those regions with a lofty arm, his servant, Constantine.
__________________________________________________________________

[2970] To speak of Licinius as alone responsible for the civil war
between himself and Constantine, which ended in his own downfall, is
quite unjustifiable; indeed, this entire chapter is a painful example
of the way in which prejudice distorts facts. The positions of the two
emperors was such that a final struggle between them for the sole
supremacy was inevitable. Already, in 314, a war broke out, which seems
to have resulted from Licinius’ refusal to deliver up a relative of his
own, who had in some way been concerned in a conspiracy against
Constantine. The occasion of the war is not perfectly plain, but it is
certain that Constantine, not Licinius, was the aggressor. Constantine
came off victorious, but was not able to overthrow his rival, and a
treaty was concluded by which Illyricum, one of Licinius’ most
important provinces, was ceded to Constantine. The two emperors
remained at peace, each waiting for a time when he could with advantage
attack the other, until 323, when a second and greater war broke out,
to which Eusebius, who omits all reference to the former, refers in
these two chapters. The immediate occasion of this war, as of the
former, is obscure, but it was certainly not due to Constantine’s pity
for the oppressed Christian subjects of Licinius, and his pious desire
to avenge their sufferings, as Eusebius, who in his Vita Const. II. 3,
in contradiction to this present passage, claims for his prince the
honor of beginning the war without any other provocation, would have us
believe. Doubtless the fact that Licinius was persecuting his Christian
subjects had much to do with the outbreak of the war; for Constantine
saw clearly that Licinius had weakened his hold upon his subjects by
his conduct, and that therefore a good time had arrived to strike the
decisive blow. A pretext–for of course Constantine could not go to war
without some more material and plausible pretext than sympathy with
oppressed Christian brethren–was furnished by some sort of a
misunderstanding in regard to the respective rights of the two
sovereigns in the border territory along the Danube frontier, and the
war began by Constantine taking the initiative, and invading his
rival’s territory. Two battles were fought,–one at Adrianople in July,
and the other at Chrysopolis in September, 323,–in both of which
Constantine was victorious, and the latter of which resulted in the
surrender of Licinius, and the accession of Constantine to the supreme
sovereignty of both East and West. Cf. Gibbon, Harper’s ed., I. p. 490
sq., and Burckhardt’s Zeit Constantins, 2d ed., p. 328 sq.

[2971] See below, p. 400.

[2972] A more flagrant misrepresentation of facts could hardly be
imagined. Licinius received his appointment directly from Galerius and
owed nothing whatever to Constantine; in fact, was an Augustus before
the latter was, and held his half of the empire quite independently of
the latter, and indeed by a far clearer title than Constantine held
his. See above, Bk. VIII. chap. 13, notes 18 and 21.

[2973] There is no reason to suppose that Licinius was any more guilty
than Constantine in these respects.

[2974] This is in direct contradiction to Eusebius’ own statement in
his Vita Const. II. 3 (see above, note 1), and is almost certainly
incorrect.

[2975] Licinius, as Goerres has shown in his able essay Die
Licinianische Christenverfolgung, p. 5 sq., did not begin to persecute
the Christians until the year 319 (the persecution was formerly
commonly supposed to have begun some three or four years earlier). The
causes of his change of policy in this matter it is impossible to state
with certainty, but the exceedingly foolish step seems to have been
chiefly due to his growing hatred and suspicion of the Christians as
the friends of Constantine. Though he had not hitherto been hostile to
them, he had yet never taken any pains to win their friendship and to
secure their enthusiastic support as Constantine had, and as a
consequence they naturally looked with envy upon their brethren in the
west, who were enjoying such signal marks of imperial favor. Licinius
could not but be conscious of this; and as the relations between
himself and Constantine became more and more strained, it was not
unnatural for him to acquire a peculiar enmity toward them, and finally
to suspect them of a conspiracy in favor of his rival. Whether he had
any grounds for such a suspicion we do not know, but at any rate he
began to show his changed attitude in 319 by clearing his palace of
Christians (see S: 10). No more foolish step can be imagined than the
opening of a persecution at this critical juncture. Just at a time when
he needed the most loyal support of all his subjects, he wantonly
alienated the affections of a large and influential portion of them,
and in the very act gave them good reason to become devoted adherents
of his enemy. The persecution of Licinius, as Goerres has clearly shown
(ibid. p. 29 sq.) was limited in its extent and mild in its character.
It began, as Eusebius informs us, with the expulsion of Christians from
the palace, but even here it was not universal; at least, Eusebius of
Nicomedia and other prominent clergymen still remained Licinius’
friends, and were treated as such by him. In fact, he evidently
punished only those whom he thought to be his enemies and to be
interested in the success of Constantine, if not directly conspiring in
his behalf. No general edicts of persecution were issued by him, and
the sufferings of the Christians seem to have been confined almost
wholly to occasional loss of property or banishment, or, still less
frequently, imprisonment. A few bishops appear to have been put to
death, but there is no reason to suppose that they suffered at the
command of Licinius himself. Of course, when it was known that he was
hostile to the Christians, fanatical heathen officials might venture,
occasionally at least, to violate the existing laws and bring hated
bishops to death on one pretext or another. But such cases were
certainly rare, and there seem to have been no instances of execution
on the simple ground of Christianity, as indeed there could not be
while the Edict of Milan remained unrepealed. Eusebius’ statement that
Licinius was about to proceed to severer measures, when the war with
Constantine broke out and put a stop to his plans, is very likely true;
but otherwise his report is rather highly colored, as many other
sources fully warrant us in saying. For a careful and very satisfactory
discussion of this whole subject, see Goerres, ibid. p. 32 sq.

[2976] Note the play on the word nomos. nomous anomous ho pananomotatos

[2977] Another play upon the same word: nomous, anomous hos alethos kai
paranomous

[2978] episkepseis. The same word is used in connection with Maximinus
in Bk. VIII. chap. 14, S: 10, above. Valesius cites passages from
Aurelius Victor, and Libanius, in which it is said that Licinius was
very kindly disposed toward the rural population of his realm, and that
the cities flourished greatly under him. Moreover, Zosimus gives just
such an account of Constantine as Eusebius gives of Licinius. Allowance
must undoubtedly be made on the one side for Eusebius’ prejudice
against Licinius, as on the other for Zosimus’ well-known hatred of
Constantine. Doubtless both accounts are greatly exaggerated, though
they probably contain considerable truth, for there were few Roman
emperors that did not practice severe exactions upon their subjects, at
times at least, if not continually, and it is always easy in a case of
this kind to notice the dark and to overlook the bright features of a
reign. Licinius was certainly a cruel man in many respects, and one
hardly cares to enter the lists in his defense, but it should be
observed that, until he became the enemy of Constantine and the
persecutor of the Christians, Eusebius uniformly spoke of him in the
highest terms. Compare Stroth’s note ad locum (quoted also by Closs).

[2979] i.e. for the purpose of making new assessments, which is always
apt to be looked upon as an oppressive act, whether unjust or not.

[2980] eschatogeros. Valesius remarks that, according to the epitomist
of Victor, Licinius died in the sixtieth year of his age, so that at
the time of which Eusebius was speaking he was little more than fifty
years of age.

[2981] Amaseia, or Amasia, as it is more commonly called, was an
important city of Pontus, situated on the river Iris.

[2982] Eusebius makes it clear enough in this sentence that Licinius
suspected a treasonable conspiracy on the part of the Christians. See
above, note 1.

[2983] See ibid.
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Chapter IX.–The Victory of Constantine, and the Blessings which under
him accrued to the Subjects of the Roman Empire.

1. To him, therefore, God granted, from heaven above, the deserved
fruit of piety, the trophies of victory over the impious, and he cast
the guilty one with all his counselors and friends prostrate at the
feet of Constantine.

2. For when Licinius carried his madness to the last extreme, the
emperor, the friend of God, thinking that he ought no longer to be
tolerated, acting upon the basis of sound judgment, and mingling the
firm principles of justice with humanity, gladly determined to come to
the protection of those who were oppressed by the tyrant, and
undertook, by putting a few destroyers out of the way, to save the
greater part of the human race. [2984]

3. For when he had formerly exercised humanity alone and had shown
mercy to him who was not worthy of sympathy, nothing was accomplished;
for Licinius did not renounce his wickedness, but rather increased his
fury against the peoples that were subject to him, and there was left
to the afflicted no hope of salvation, oppressed as they were by a
savage beast.

4. Wherefore, the protector of the virtuous, mingling hatred for evil
with love for good, went forth with his son Crispus, a most beneficent
prince, [2985] and extended a saving right hand to all that were
perishing. Both of them, father and son, under the protection, as it
were, of God, the universal King, with the Son of God, the Saviour of
all, as their leader and ally, drew up their forces on all sides
against the enemies of the Deity and won an easy victory; [2986] God
having prospered them in the battle in all respects according to their
wish.

5. Thus, suddenly, and sooner than can be told, those who yesterday and
the day before breathed death and threatening were no more, and not
even their names were remembered, but their inscriptions and their
honors suffered the merited disgrace. And the things which Licinius
with his own eyes had seen come upon the former impious tyrants he
himself likewise suffered, because he did not receive instruction nor
learn wisdom from the chastisements of his neighbors, but followed the
same path of impiety which they had trod, and was justly hurled over
the same precipice. Thus he lay prostrate.

6. But Constantine, the mightiest victor, adorned with every virtue of
piety, together with his son Crispus, a most God-beloved prince, and in
all respects like his father, recovered the East which belonged to
them; [2987] and they formed one united Roman empire as of old,
bringing under their peaceful sway the whole world from the rising of
the sun to the opposite quarter, both north and south, even to the
extremities of the declining day.

7. All fear therefore of those who had formerly afflicted them was
taken away from men, and they celebrated splendid and festive days.
Everything was filled with light, and those who before were downcast
beheld each other with smiling faces and beaming eyes. With dances and
hymns, in city and country, they glorified first of all God the
universal King, because they had been thus taught, and then the pious
emperor with his God-beloved children.

8. There was oblivion of past evils and forgetfulness of every deed of
impiety; there was enjoyment of present benefits and expectation of
those yet to come. Edicts full of clemency and laws containing tokens
of benevolence and true piety were issued in every place by the
victorious emperor. [2988]

9. Thus after all tyranny had been purged away, the empire which
belonged to them was preserved firm and without a rival for Constantine
and his sons alone. [2989] And having obliterated the godlessness of
their predecessors, recognizing the benefits conferred upon them by
God, they exhibited their love of virtue and their love of God, and
their piety and gratitude to the Deity, by the deeds which they
performed in the sight of all men.

The end, with God’s help, of the Tenth Book of the Church History of
Eusebius Pamphili.
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[2984] Eusebius speaks in the same way of the origin of the war in his
Vita Const. II. 3. Cf. the previous chapter, note 1.

[2985] Krispo Basilei philanthropotEURto. Crispus, the oldest son of
Constantine, by his first wife Minervina, was born about the beginning
of the fourth century, made Caesar in 317, and put to death by
Constantine in 326 on suspicion, whether justified or not we do not
know, of conspiracy and treason. Our sources agree in pronouncing him a
young man of most excellent character and marked ability; and indeed he
proved his valor and military talents in the west in a campaign against
the Franks, and also in the present war with Licinius, in which he won
a great naval battle, and thus contributed materially to his father’s
victory. His execution is the darkest blot on the memory of
Constantine, and however it may be palliated can never, as it seems, be
excused. Eusebius prudently omits all reference to it in his Vita
Const.

[2986] The final battle was fought in September, 323. See the previous
chapter, note 4.

[2987] ten oikeian he& 252;an apelEURmbanon. Constantine’s sole right
to the East was the right of conquest.

[2988] Some of these laws of Constantine have been preserved by
Eusebius in his Vita Const. Bk. II.

[2989] It is clear from this statement, as well as from the references
to Crispus in the previous paragraphs, that the History was completed
before his execution. See above, p. 45.
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